Should Ethiopians Boycott the Upcoming Fake Election in Ethiopia?

January 19, 2015

More Crackdowns Lock Out Opposition Groups from Political Participation

“If we do not have a proper multiparty democracy, this country is going to end up like Somalia. This is imperative” he said. “It is up to the people to decide on how many seats should be given to the opposition and how many to the ruling party.” (Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn)

SMNE PRESS RELEASE

(December 16, 2015. Washington, DC) The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) has no choice but to expose the duplicity and repression of choice in the upcoming Ethiopian National Election due to the dictatorial nature of the ethnic apartheid regime of the TPLF/EPRDF that has been in power for the last 24 years. The SMNE is non-political, non-violent social justice movement that stands up for the freedom, rights, and well being of all Ethiopians, regardless of ethnicity, political view, religion, regional background or other differences. We are very concerned about the future of the country.

The above statement by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn is frightening in light of the recent crackdown on political opposition groups in Ethiopia; however, his ominous prediction of Ethiopia becoming another Somalia without a fair process should be a cause of alarm to all. Even now, it is obvious that the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) so deeply fears what could happen in the build-up or aftermath of the upcoming May 24, 2015 election that they are now training militias in regions of the country where they see greater resistance, like in the Amhara and Oromia regions. If the people rise up in protest to the election, they intend to use these militia groups to suppress the people.

In response, Obang Metho, the Executive Director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, states, “It is a potentially dangerous time. We cannot ignore what is happening. The hypocrisy of the TPLF/EPRDF is only making it worse as they do the opposite as the regime takes other steps to block political opposition parties—and the people—from actually ‘deciding how many seats should be given’ to the opposition or the ruling party in the election. Because of a wall of obstacles, Ethiopians opposed to the TPLF/EPRDF have no choices. The TPLF/EPRDF has literally locked them out from any political participation. They may have to consider whether or not to vote in an election at all since it is a fake process—from start to finish.”

If Ethiopians do decide to boycott the election, the regime will certainly scramble to force their participation, much like the staged mourning following the death of former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. Mr. Zenawi, the mastermind of the present ethnic-apartheid system where one ethnic group, the Tigre, is favored over all others, is a primary source of the present trouble. Currently, the Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) controls the larger coalition of the EPRDF, made up of three other ethnic parties, as well over the entire Ethiopian political system and eighty-some other ethnic groups in the country. In public statements, representatives of the TPLF/EPRDF have claimed they have reason to believe they will be re-elected—because of having the support from farmers in the rural areas; however, the source of these claims may be shaky.

In his excellent article, After Era of Kings, Is Multiparty Politics an Illusion in Ethiopia, Andualem Sisay Gessesse of African Review quotes Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn as saying, “If they [the opposition] want to win the upcoming election, they have to come to our base [farmers, which represents 80 per cent of the total population of the country] and compete with us,” the premier said.” However, the question is, how much of that alleged support is based on local intimidation and the use of humanitarian and agricultural aid to buy votes?

During the election of 2010, Human Rights Watch documented a strong link between receiving food assistance, seed, fertilizers and other necessary resources for rural livelihoods based on allegiance to the EPRDF. This included pressure to cast votes in favor of the candidates approved of by the regime. This past abuse raises the question as to whether humanitarian aid and/or other donor funds are being misappropriated once again in order to control the outcome of the May election. This would entail an on-the-ground investigation by donor groups, but should be watched closely.

Currently, opposition parties have been blocked at every point from participating in the upcoming election as in the 2010 election. This has included harassment, intimidation and arrests of political leaders, the criminalization of free speech by journalists, democracy advocates, editors, opposition leaders, and the media in general; however, the EPRDF has fallen to a new low recently in its pretense of following a democratic process for the election while at the same time, making sure they control the outcomes. Here are some examples of how it is played out, all under the direction of the regime-controlled election board.

The National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) has the responsibility of overseeing the election, ensuring that the process is done according to Ethiopian law and in a non-partisan manner. However, according to information researched by Muse Abebe in his very informative article, “Who are members of the Election Board that Perform TPLF’s Dirty Job?”, one learns that the current board members were nominated by the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and subsequently were approved by the Parliament, another entity controlled by the TPLF/EPRDF.

In the 2010 election, the TPLF/EPRDF claimed an absurd 99.6% victory, giving the TPLF/EPRDF 546 seats in Parliament. Only one is held by a member of an opposition group. Neither the Ethiopian Parliament nor the NEBE is independent, but instead are arms of the TPLF/EPRDF. In light of this, it is not surprising that the following NEBE actions have served to block political participation by opposition groups. The following image of the Chairman of NEBE in middle, member of the ruling party on the left and opposition party on the right says it. The image was taken from Ethiopian social media.

On January 7, 2015, the NEBE contacted all political opposition parties interested in participating in the upcoming election to a meeting.

At the meeting, a leader from the Blue Party (Semayawi) stated that the election board should not talk about the election unless they clarified the pre-conditions; for example, would there be an independent election board; would there be some financial funding allocated to opposition parties; would there be air time on TV or radio for opposition parties; and other similar questions that would tell whether or not this would be a free and fair election. The Election Board said they would not be answering these questions. In response to their refusal to answer critical questions, the leadership of the Blue Party began to walk out of the meeting in frustration and protest, believing any genuine efforts to cooperate in the process would be sabotaged. The election board threatened them and asked them to apologize. They refused to do so and left the meeting. The NEBE is still demanding an apology.

It should be explained that the election board may be more intimidated by recent efforts by the Blue Party to join together with eight of the opposition parties, leading to a crackdown on them two months ago. Many of the Blue Party’s leaders were arrested at the time, but were subsequently released; however, the TPLF/EPRDF’s worst fears remain—that opposition groups will form coalitions based on unity of purpose. Of course, the election board’s harassment of political opposition groups and sabotage of any semblance of a democratic process may be enough to forge new alliances between groups.

Two of the major political opposition groups remaining at the meeting were the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) and the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP). After the Blue Party’s leadership walked out, the election board proceeded to give those remaining their mandates. They were told they would have four days (on January 11, 2015) which they were to convene all of their members in a general assembly to elect candidates for the coming election. They were then to submit the results to the election board within those same four days. This included taking minutes of the meeting, giving details as to how candidates were elected, the number of their members present, and the names and offices of those elected.

UDJ and the AEUP attempted to comply. Both held quickly organized assemblies, but their efforts were thwarted by the NEBE. According to Ethiopian election law, every political party is required to have members from the electoral board present at these meetings as observers of the proceedings to ensure legal compliance in the electoral process. The NEBE was invited to both meetings, but they did not come, alleging they had something more important to do—essentially delegitimizing the heroic efforts of these two political parties to comply with an unreasonable process. When the UDJ presented their results, the NEBE told them they would have to repeat the entire process again. When they refused, they were warned that action would be taken against them.

Similarly, when the AEUP presented their results, the NEBE was not satisfied with their results either. They were also told to hold another meeting, but the party said they did not have the resources to do it again. However, these parties, believing they had no other alternative than to walk through the steps, both held subsequent assemblies shortly thereafter. Again, election board members undermined the process. They were invited, but did not attend. When results of both assemblies were presented to the NEBE, they were again rejected. The NEBE then told them to hold a third assembly. They both refused. The NEBE is again threatening major action against the leaders and the parties if they fail to comply. The outcome is still pending.

Many believe the reason that the NEBE continues to reject UDJ’s submission is that the UDJ is perceived to be a threat due to some of its elected youthful leaders. One of the fears of the regime is that these younger leaders can mobilize the youth in the country, similar to Andualem Aragie, the former leader of the UDJ, who is serving in prison for 18 years. He is a very charismatic leader and was accused of trying to mobilize the public to bring the government down undemocratically. Journalist Eskinder Nega was put in jail for the same reason. The UDJ and AEUP have talked about merging together, now resulting in both becoming a threat to this regime. These are some of the reasons believed to be behind the election board’s repeated denials of voting results submitted twice each by both of these groups.

Attempts by the TPLF/EPRDF to hijack the outcome of the general assemblies

When the UDJ members came together, many had to sleep on the floor of the meeting hall for lack of resources and other arrangements. They followed the guidelines in electing their leadership, but soon realized that TPLF/EPRDF regime supporters were present, posing as UDJ members, in an attempt to secretly become candidates for offices within the UDJ. These undercover plants voted against the approval of UDJ leaders who were nominated at the assembly; however, these leaders were voted in anyway. However, as a result, some within the UDJ recognized these persons as undercover government agents and pointed it out publically. Because of this, the efforts to hijack the nomination process of the UDJ did not succeed.

The AEUP’s meeting was also infiltrated by government supporters, posing as members of the party so as to claim the nominations for various offices or to stand in the way of others believed to be threats to the regime. Again, they did not succeed.

Executive Director of the SMNE, Obang Metho states: “Despite regime control over every sector of society, the TPLF/EPRDF is going into panic mode, especially as they face the election. As a result, they are closing up even the little space now available. They know they would have no chance of being re-elected if Ethiopians were given a real chance to vote. To them, opening up political space for the opposition means losing everything; however, because donor countries like the US, as well as others, have placed expectations on them to give political space to the opposition and to hold a free and fair election, they are creating a fake electoral process for public consumption. They fear the people will rise up if given any opportunity and they also fear that a crackdown on opposition groups might cause an outbreak of violence if the people become united in their frustration. As a result, they are becoming irrational. It is a critical situation not only for them, but for everyone.”

The TPLF/EPRDF controls all government and private institutions, down to the local level. This includes the judiciary, the military, federal and local police, security forces, the economy, the media, the press, the Internet, technology, the telecom system, the educational system, religious groups, the use and distribution of aid, civil society, customs, taxes, laws and the application of those laws to decimate civil society and criminalize democratic or anti-government voices. The following image of a senior member of the ruling party in Ethiopia directing at the ballot box and Casket describe the reality of Ethiopian national election clearly. The image was taken from Ethiopian social media.

The paranoia is so great that no act of courage can be ignored so when new voices emerge—like at UDJ’s general assembly—shockingly brutal punishment can follow.

Ms. Woyneshet Seleshi is one of UDJ’s leaders who attended the first general assembly. She had been elected to the positions of Deputy Director of Women’s Affairs. She and another man were the first to point out some of the TPLF/EPRDF infiltrators who were present at the meeting. Both brought attention to the fact these double agents were trying to divide the people and to influence the voting outcomes so they might be in alignment with the interests of the TPLF/EPRDF. The following day, as she was walking on the street near her home, she was attacked by two alleged TPLF/EPRDF security agents. Despite the fact she was five months pregnant, Woyneshet was brutally attacked by these two men. Witnesses saw them beating and kicking her, including kicking her in the stomach before running away. She had to be hospitalized. Her present condition is unknown. Below is the picture of Ms. Woyneshet Seleshi at the hospital waiting to see the Doctor.

The authorities were quickly notified, but family members report that the police did not respond to their request to find the perpetrators, who some of the people had allegedly identified as part of the government security apparatus. To our knowledge, no action is yet to be taken. On the same day, the other man who spoke up along with her at the UDJ assembly was also beaten up. Obviously they had been looking for both of them.

This is the kind of government donors are supporting—one that will suppress the voice of the people even if it means two men brutally kicking a pregnant woman in the stomach for just speaking out against the attempt of the EPRDF to illegally influence an election. What does it take beyond this to condemn this kind of injustice and to stop fueling it with donor money, especially large amounts of money with no strings attached? What would any decent human being say about this? Should there not be some accounting for these abuses? What message will be sent to the EPRDF if all these violations are ignored or if it only elicits a mild-mannered scolding?

A Call to Action to EPRDF members, donor countries, and the people of Ethiopia: “The recent crackdown on the three major opposition parties in Ethiopia by the TPLF/EPRDF is so extreme and comprehensive that it may require strong intervention by a united, peaceful, opposition movement of the Ethiopian people as well as by donor countries who can leverage support,” says Obang Metho.

TO TPLF/EPRDF members and supporters:

We call on more rational TPLF/EPRDF members, leaders and supporters to restrain yourselves and others from wrongful acts against the people of Ethiopia and any violations of Ethiopian law and moral conscience. These are the kinds of acts that will lead the country to violence, backlash and chaos, especially since the TPLF/EPRDF has already laid the foundation for ethnic hatred and division. Help us avoid setting off the ethnic time bomb people are so worried about. These are the kinds of actions that force people into a corner where they may believe they have no alternative other than to fight back. If that happens, the damage may be irreversible. The TPLF/EPRDF supporters must work to avoid setting off this scenario where you and everyone else will lose. Speak out against this for the sake of your future, the future of your descendents and for others.

To donor countries like the United States:

We call on the US and other donor countries that are supporting the TPLF/EPRDF to consider how supporting the longevity of this regime is counterproductive to your own national interests. For example, the 2014 US Omnibus funding bill specifically addresses Ethiopia.

For more information about the bill see the following link: http://www.solidaritymovement.org/141026-SMNE-Applauds-Semayawi-Party.php It links continued financial support to Ethiopia’s successful compliance with requirements related to advancing judicial independence; freedom of expression, association, assembly, and religion; the right of political opposition parties, civil society organizations, and journalists to operate without harassment or interference; and due process of law. The newly passed 2015 US Omnibus Appropriations Bill also addresses Ethiopia, giving certain requirements for funding.

Through giving unconditional support to the EPRDF when they are in violation of the US Omnibus Bill of 2014 and 2015, as well as failing to meet requirements for aid from other US sources like the World Bank, the IMF and USAID, we believe the EPRDF will become a force of destabilization in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. No viable alternative can face the EPRDF on Election Day as none are allowed to exist so why even hold such an election? The EPRDF is no longer an asset to the United States as well as to other donor countries if it implodes.

We call on US policymakers to stop accepting any TPLF/EPRDF rhetoric that is based on lies and when in doubt, to require evidence. Here is an example of such rhetoric by the Prime Minister: “The multiparty system is gauged by the process of the election; not the result. The result is up to the people… Therefore, I say democracy is not dying [in Ethiopia], it is flourishing and it will continue to flourish…” (A statement by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to The East African, quoted in the previously mentioned article by Andualem Sisay Gessesse.)

Africa cannot be liberated through rhetoric that is meaningless and has no stake in changing anything. The Ethiopian people have been suffering in the name of the war on terror, the national interests of others, and because it is more stable than its neighbors—failed or failing states like Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan and South Sudan. In the long run, a failed state in Ethiopia will hurt everyone, including donor countries and multi-national companies with their own interests in Ethiopia. Propping up a dictatorship will not bring lasting peace. It is time for those with a footprint in the country to demand that Ethiopia genuinely open up political space, release its political prisoners, and be held accountable for the use or abuse of donor funds.

According to Obang Metho, “If the Ethiopian regime does not follow the requirements, the new US Omnibus law should be put into action. If an investigation reveals non-compliance with the conditions of the law, action should be taken to cut the flow of money until there is compliance. For the sake of the future stability of Ethiopia and the Horn, this should be taken seriously or donors will co-own the results of it. It is better to avert the crisis, but the time is running out.”

To the Ethiopian people and political opposition parties

We call on the Ethiopian people to stand up for their future and demand freedom. Although we call on others for support; freedom is not delivered on a platter by outsiders, like foreign aid that the TPLF/EPRDF is addicted to, but must be demanded by the people. The number one fear of the TPLF-run EPRDF is not the gun, but the people; however, they are now faced with some very serious problems. The desperation of Ethiopians is rising because of the harsh living conditions, which are affecting everyone, including those in power. For example, the price of gasoline is very high in Ethiopia; so is the cost of food. Many of those holding on to the regime by the barrel of the gun, are not doing this willingly, but instead out of fear because they see no alternative. Such people should see the impossibility of such a regime holding on to power indefinitely. They should also see it as morally wrong and withdraw their support and be instrumental in seeking resolution with the opposition.

In the case of Ethiopians, if many people stand together, it will be harder for the TPLF/EPRDF to isolate the few that are speaking out, resulting in them being jailed or fleeing the country. However, if all the people stand up as one, the regime will have no choice but to submit to the people. It is no different than in other countries where the people have stood together.

All the political opposition leaders, or those in the TPLF or EPRDF who claim to care, should put their differences aside. We have called on Ethiopian political leaders to do this before, see the links for the letter http://www.solidaritymovement.org/140501-Open-letter-to-political-leaders-in-Ethiopia.php and have also called on members of the TPLF/EPRDF to do what is right in two separate letters. See the following linkhttp://www.solidaritymovement.org/downloads/140802-Open-Letter-to-the-Chairman-of-the-TPLFBR.pdf for the letter to members of the TPLF/EPRDF. We make this call again because of the hardship, pain, harassment, torture, and the misery of so many. Can we be unified by what is good, honorable, just and what actually works in making life together possible?

It is a matter of coming together so there is sufficient leverage to be heard. This will also create the impetus for others to listen—that means those funding the TPLF/EPRDF. Whether or not this would result in boycotting the election, or some other plan, could be debated and the best plan adopted. This is a call for Ethiopians to join a movement of the people; not to liberate an ethnicity, but to liberate humanity so we can work together to create an Ethiopia where not only the humanity of each person is valued, but where justice is equally accessible to all people for no one is free until all are free.

The future of the country is so grim and dark, but to avoid it, people must reach out to talk to each other rather than about each other so together we can build a better future for the common good of all the people of Ethiopia; not only for one ethnic group or for a few elite and their cronies at the top.

May God help us to embrace the humanity of others; the pathway to healing, reconciliation and flourishing together.
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For more information, contact Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE. Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

H&M cuts cotton ties with Omo Valley of Ethiopia

January 20, 2015

WAKEFIELD – H&M has become the second major retail brand to tell Ecotextile News that it will not be using any cotton in its clothing which has been sourced from the Omo Valley in Ethiopia. H&M’s announcement follows closely on the back of Tchibo’s statement last week in which the German company said that Ethiopian Cotton Made in Africa will now be its only source of Ethiopian cotton in its products due to concerns about cotton projects in the Omo Valley. Ayka Investment, the Turkish business heavily involved in the Ethiopian textile industry, is now withdrawing its investment in cotton production in the Lower Omo Valley on the advice Tchibo.

H&M told Ecotextile News: “H&M does not accept land grabbing. It is a violation of human rights and in conflict with United Nations principles as well as our own human rights policy. Due to this, we have required our suppliers to ensure that our products do not consist of cotton from the Ethiopian region Omo Valley, where there is an increased risk of agricultural land having been subjected to land grabbing. We have had a close dialogue with our suppliers in Ethiopia and all our suppliers have signed a written commitment to not use any cotton from Omo Valley. We are continuously monitoring the orders to ensure that these commitments are fulfilled.

Source: ECOTEXTILE

Human Rights in Polarized Ethiopia: the need for collaboration

Human Rights in Polarized Ethiopia: the need for collaboration

Why are human rights essential?

If we respect ourselves as people and want the world community to respect us and support our causes, we must face up to the demanding responsibility of owning and leading the struggle for human dignity, rights, the rule of law and representative governance ourselves. No one will do it for us. In terms of justice, rights, fair distribution of incomes and access to opportunities, sustainable and equitable development and the like the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) controlled and led government of Ethiopia has failed. This is one part of the story. The other is what the rest of us are doing to redress the situation. Blaming others, including the repressive regime is easy. Offering a compelling alternative is hard.

I believe that we---the people of Ethiopia at home and those of us in the Diaspora who believe in their plight and cause—can make a difference. For this to happen we must overcome the Tigray People’s Liberation Front’s corrosive ideology of irreconcilability among Ethiopia’s 96 million people. This ideology is based on hate rather than mutual respect and tolerance. Often times, it seems that we are driven by the ruling party’s ideology and strategy of worshipping our differences rather than our incredible diversity. Observers find it hard to believe that Ethiopia’s opposition within and outside the country is reactive rather than proactive. It is often driven by the ruling party’s agenda rather than its own. Those of us who want a government that is accountable to and serves the people are unable to lead the struggle; we simply react to it. Let us face it. Most of us want justice but defer to others to gain it for us; even if it costs their lives. Freedom and justice are not free goods anywhere in the world. They are earned.

By now, we should know that TPLF and by extension, the EPRDF ideology is determined to “divide and rule” and control the national economy and resources in perpetuity. It does this through a web of controlling institutions and through fear. It has foreign support.

I find it utterly sad that Ethiopia’s civic and political opposition groups and prominent individuals who should know better “have agreed to disagree” in perpetuity (??????? ?????) as a matter of principle. This is exactly what the TPLF/EPRDF wants us to do. In part, this phenomenon is an outcome of the deliberate polarization of Ethiopian society and the diminishing of common bonds. Ethnic and religious based polarization is essentially Balkanization and effective de-Ethiopianization. It is a means of control and as such a means to diminish rights and to disempower.

Polarization has the unintended consequence of reducing collaboration and unity on the fundamental principle of human rights and fundamental freedom among those who live outside the country as much as those who live in Ethiopia. In my mind, rights and fundamental freedom are indivisible. They are ethnic, age, gender and religion blind. They apply to Oromo, Amhara, Tigray, Somali, Gurage, Annuak etc. alike. One life is no better than the other. One ethnic or religious group is no better than the other. It is this we have failed to recognize and realize. Most of us are oblivious to the fact that the ruling party has made numerous inexcusable mistakes. I have highlighted these in the past and will mention the core ones again.

Policy mistakes generations won’t forget

TPLF’s history with regard to harming Ethiopia’s long-term interests and the security of its people is replete with failures:

• It abandoned Ethiopia’s legitimate access to the sea and made it land locked
• It failed to address the policy, cultural and structural roots of hunger, malnourishment, environmental degradation, job security and ownership of land and other assets by Ethiopians
• t ceded vast tracts of fertile lands and waters to North Sudan
• It polarized Ethiopian society by pitying one group against another
• It transferred millions of hectares of farmlands and waters to foreign investors (Karuturi, Saudi Star and others) in an opaque manner dispossessing Ethiopians, making the country vulnerable to political conflict and disintegration
• It closed political, social and economic space making a mockery of its own Constitution
• It caused the largest human (social capital) exodus in the country’s history thereby eroding talent and continuity
• It created unprecedented income inequality through deliberate party intervention in procurement, credit, access to land, permits and the like
• It opened up Ethiopia’s wombs by selling and or transferring real resources from Ethiopians to foreign investors, crowded out deserving and hardworking Ethiopians and deterred the national private sector from emerging
• It burdened future generations with foreign debt that has reached $20 billion and domestic borrowing and debt in excess of 60 billion Birr
• It directly or indirectly sponsored or facilitated illicit outflow of capital in excess of $30 billion to-date, about $3 billion per year
• It established and institutionalized assaults on civil liberties and human rights and implanted a culture of fear and mutual suspicion

Finally, the TPLF admits policy and program failures of its own making without taking the bold and necessary step of freeing the society so that it can participate in transforming the governance that causes and perpetuates “the rut” Ethiopia faces. Given this set of failures, the civil and political opposition has no excuse but create solidarity on common issues of which advocacy on human rights is central.

Are we not squandering what we have in common?

In my view—I know there are different perspectives on this-- Ethiopia is our common geopolitical anchor that we share. It is worth saving. It is enough for everyone and can be prosperous. Commonality on this is fundamental if we wish to pursue active advocacy on human rights. The whole is critical in that it is a source of potential strength rather than weakness. If the parts pull in every direction—one day as Amhara, the other day as Oromo etc. -- the social strength and diplomatic clout emanating from fragmentation will diminish our impact substantially. This is the reality today.

In turn, fragmentation will continue to strengthen the governing party. This is why I argue that fragmentation is in effect the same thing as working for the governing party. Chastising one another provides another tool to the governing party. The sum total of bickering, fragmentation, accusation and counter accusation with the opposition camp is the least costly or costless method by which the TPLF/EPRDF continues to rule. If this persists, I can predict that the TPLF/EPRDF will win elections over and over again. A fragmented opposition cannot lead a country.

To overcome this recurrent vacuum in organization, unity of purpose and farsighted leadership on human rights and justice is wisdom. How do we do this? We can focus on the critical issues we face in common, human rights, justice and the rule of law. We can come together and agree on the way forward. We can discuss and agree that rights encompass everything that affects human life: political, human, social, culture, economics, religion, natural resources, indigenous people, minorities, environmental etc. This does not have to be a fight for political power or recognition or glory or group think.

The world community and the Ethiopian people keep telling us to speak with one voice on rights. Donors, the diplomatic community and the UN system would listen to us if we overcome this self-made hurdle of divided voices on what is a common issue. If we don’t speak with one voice, they will have little incentive to take human rights advocates seriously.

Therefore, here is my first plea. Let us move from blaming one another to collaborating with one another. Let us have a series of round table discussions and come up with a framework or a roadmap and share it with the Ethiopian people.

I urge you to keep in mind that Ethiopia is a country of consequence not only for its diverse population; but to the whole of Africa and the entire world. It is the seat of the African Union, commands a strategic location and sits on immense water and fertile land resources that foreign investors and governments are attracted to. It has a population of 96 to 100 million people, the second largest in Africa. More than 50 percent of Ethiopians are below the age of 18 (UNFPA/2014), 70 to 80 percent are below the age of 45.

Ethiopia is identified as one of the fastest growing in the world. This is an illusion if we measure growth against the wellbeing of the vast majority of Ethiopians. Over the past few years, I have tried to show that Ethiopia’s growth fueled by massive aid, remittances and government borrowing has resulted in significant improvements in social and physical infrastructure. It has enriched the few while leaving tens of millions destitute and poor. The most noticeable social reality in the country is that the vast majority of Ethiopians are as destitute and some say more destitute and poorer than they have ever been. Accordingly, the development model is an utter failure. How is this possible? Why this paradox of growth and destitution?

Economic and Social Rights

Development is about unleashing human potential. Economic growth alone does not measure social and economic wellbeing. Ethiopia cannot be an exception. In 2013, UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI) ranked Ethiopia 173rd out of 187 countries and the Ethiopian government disputed this too. It is likely to dispute the latest from UNCTAD. In one of the boldest and most frank evaluations of growth without sustainability and equity---a subject matter on which I have written four books since I retired from the World Bank—one of the UN’s technical arm, UNCTAD wrote a scathing report on December 2, 2014 under the title “Most of the world’s poor nations are stuck in a rut,” a vicious cycle from which they cannot extricate themselves without radical social, economic and political reforms.

AFP quotes, “The planet’s poorest nations like Ethiopia, Malawi and Angola have failed to cash in on strong economic growth due to a lack of structural reforms and left them wallowing in poverty.” This finding based on realities on the ground tells us the opposite of what donors and the diplomatic community that shore up the Ethiopia Surveillance State have been saying. Ethiopia has been in a “rut” for some time. Why is “Ethiopia stuck in a vicious cycle of destitution and poverty?

Millions of Ethiopians live in debilitating poverty and destitution because they do not have a voice. They are not empowered. They are not allowed to elect their representatives. They have no voice in their government. They do not have a government that is accountable to them. They are not allowed to provide inputs in the formulation of policies that benefit them; or in the planning and execution of programs that make a difference to their lives.

Good governance determines sustainable and equitable development. According to UNCTAD “The LDC (least developed countries) paradox arises from the failure of LDC economies to achieve structural changes despite having grown vigorously as a result of strong export prices (Angola) and rising aid flows (Ethiopia).” The structural deficit is a policy deficit emanating from repressive governance and opaque regulatory framework that leaves no room for domestic competition and the emergence of a private sector. Ethiopia’s economy is as politicized and ethnicized as its social and political system. Over the past two decades there has been a trust deficit in addition to others. Access to economic and social opportunities is not considered a right but a privilege. Privilege entails loyalty; they reinforce one another.

The donor community is not blameless

Donors and diplomats alike accept the Ethiopian government’s bogus statistics and conclusions at face value. Unlike UNCTAD, they do not go out and see the conditions of life among the vast majority of Ethiopians. They do not question why domestic manufacturing owned by Ethiopians and employing Ethiopians has not expanded at a fast rate. It is true that one of the poorest and food aid dependent countries on the planet has produced more than 2,700 millionaires since the 2005 elections. These millionaires are supported by and affiliated to the TPLF. Despite double digit growth that is contentious and unreliable, “Nearly half of the population in LDCs (more in Ethiopia) continue to live in extreme poverty, almost 30 percent of the people are undernourished and only few are in a secure employment.”

Adequate food, shelter, safe drinking water, safe sanitation, employment, education and health are within the sphere of human rights. Consider Ethiopia’s demographics and the right to meaningful employment and judge. Development is about the future. The future is inconceivable without youth empowerment. Fifty percent of Ethiopians are below the age of 18, and an estimated 70 to 80 percent of the population is below the age of 50. Informed sources say that unemployment and underemployment among youth is a staggering 40 percent and in some towns and cities 70 percent.

No wonder then the exodus among this age group continues unabated. The Ethiopian government has failed Ethiopian youth. Investment in youth is among the lowest in Africa. The Ethiopian government is not investing in manufacturing, agro-industry, commercial agriculture and other enterprises owned and run by Ethiopians for the benefit of Ethiopians. Nor is it empowering Ethiopians to invest. Illicit outflow of financial has reached a scandalous level.

This is at the heart of the structural reform deficit that UNCTAD is talking about. The other deficit that perpetuates the “rut” is lack of good and participatory governance. Ethiopians have literally no choice in policy. Political and civic space is completely closed. This suits the TPLF/EPRDF. For the party, politics and or economics is a “zero sum game.” Someone has to lose in order for those in power to enjoy the fruits of political capture. Elites at the top of the decision making pyramid have no moral compunction to stop ill gains or ill governance.

The TPLF/EPRDF insists on comparing Ethiopia with Ethiopia. UNCTAD has done the right thing by comparing Ethiopia with other poor countries using a benchmark of success in the rest. Contrast Ethiopia with Bangladesh, Cambodia and Vietnam where productivity has been growing by “an average of 3.2 percent per year since the 1990s.” These countries are industrializing at a fast rate and will join the family of modern and rich nations over the coming decade or so. Before he passed, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi kept telling the world that Ethiopia will achieve middle income status by 2015-2020. This wishful and deceptive declaration has evaporated. “Of the 48 nations (including Ethiopia), only Laos is likely to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGS)” by 2015.

The social and economic indicators are staggering and shocking. Access to safe drinking water is a human right. Fifty percent of Ethiopians do not have access to safe drinking water. Only 21 percent of Ethiopians have access to proper sanitation. In a country that is building massive hydroelectric dams to produce and export electricity, only 2 percent of the rural population has access to electricity. Nationally, the coverage is 12 percent. Poverty affects a disproportionate number of children. Twenty percent of children are undernourished; and more than 2 out of 5 children suffer from stunting. The rural population lives in primitive conditions. It is subjected to complete control by the party.

Despite significant arable land and a farming tradition, Ethiopia is still food aid dependent. It is a country that should be food self-sufficient but isn’t. Despite the propagation of double digit growth for a decade, per capita income is $470, a third of the African average. As noted earlier, Ethiopia produces more millionaires than middle and upper middle class families. The middle class is among the smallest in the world. As Freedom House has shown over and over again, the private sector is suppressed and is not competitive. There is no guarantee of private property. The right to own assets should include land but does not.

Land is owned by the state and party and is politicized. The structure of Ethiopia’s exports remains almost the same. It is dependent of commodity exports, primarily coffee. Ironically, Ethiopia hires foreigners to staff institutions while it exports human capital including domestic workers. Those who would be the backbone of the middle class leave the country in droves. Between 1991 and 2006, of 3,700 MDs educated and trained by Ethiopian tax payers, 3,000 left Ethiopia.

The hemorrhage, especially the exodus of large numbers of females and youth will continue to have devastating social, economic, cultural and multigenerational impacts. The country is not generating a succeeding generations that knows and loves the country and can serve as the backbone of the middle class. This vacuum is an inexcusable disaster. No country achieves sustainability without retaining its educated and well trained workforce.

A state set up to suppress and control

Ethiopia is a Surveillance State that suffocates freedom and rights. For anyone to understand gross violations of human rights and the rule of law, it is vital to comprehend and analyze the nature of the state under the TPLF/EPRDF. The state manifests the merger of ethnic-elite party, government and state. It is not dissimilar to the old East Germany and today’s North Korea. Yet, Western Governments and the UN call Korea a tyranny. It is. So is Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s special status is a function of its strategic relations with Western countries, especially the US and the UK. The Ethiopian state version is called Revolutionary Democracy and follows an economic model called the developmental state. It is neither revolutionary nor democratic. It facilitates economic and financial capture. If it were democratic and revolutionary it will reform itself relentlessly. It is not a free market system; but pretends to be one. The federal government controls key institutions of policy and decision-making; and not the regions. Why would this matter?

Defense, Federal Police, Intelligence and Security are vital in maintaining peace, order and stability. Sadly, this is the default line embraced by the state, the donor and diplomatic community and the UN system. It is perceived as major plus. Ethiopia is considered a stable state in a sea of chaos and failed states---Somalia, Eritrea, South and North Sudan.

In my view donors and the diplomatic community strengthen the dictatorship and as proxies suppress freedom. Donors pump more than $4 billion dollars a year without conditions; the Diaspora an equal amount and the federal government borrows billions of Birr from the banking system and issues bonds to the public and the global community. Ethiopian society is debt-ridden. Someone has to pay this debt. Don’t Ethiopians have the right to question this debt? Should future generations be obliged to pay massive debt incurred by the TPLF on which they had no say? Are they not entitled to be share the benefits of growth and investments carried out through aid and borrowing? Don’t they have rights?

Ethiopia’s Defense and Security Budget

Ethiopia’s defense and security budget and staffing reflect the ruling party’s own and foreign interests. They support one another. This is a reality opposition groups must grasp. It is the reason why I contend that stability, regional peace and security serve as a default line and enjoy support from Western Governments, especially the US. There is no doubt that the current state is competent. It is well financed and well run. It provides ample incentives to generals and other high officers. Their incentive is to maintain the system at any cost.

As of October 2014, Intelligence agencies and think tanks, including the CIA report that Ethiopia spends 12.6 percent of GDP on defense and related security operations. It spends only 1.2 percent of GDP on education and significantly less on safe drinking water, sanitation and health, malnutrition and the like. The defense budget is slightly less than Saudi Arabia that spends 13 percent and owns chunks of Ethiopian lands. The CIA fact book notes Ethiopia spends a third (33 percent) of domestic government revenue on the military, intelligence and security. The Guardian reports thousands of “bureaucrats are paid to spy on nationals.” The amount spent does not include foreign military and intelligence assistance by the US, UK and other nations. We are obliged to ask who is protected and who is the target here? Is the state at war with its own population? Formally, Ethiopia is not at war with any country. Is it at war with its own citizens? You make the judgment based on the facts. You may ask “Why this huge outlay on defense, intelligence, security and surveillance? If the country is at peace.” The simple answer is that the TPLF leadership fears the population, especially youth. In light of this fear, state control and hegemony is a matter of survival for the TPLF/EPRDF. It is a strategic choice.

The donor and diplomatic community does not see it that way. It is more pragmatic. Stability serves their strategic interests. Stability at the cost of human rights and freedoms gives the false impression that Ethiopians are enjoying safety, security of life, access to opportunities and the like in a region of chaos and hopelessness. The truth is that sustainable peace, stability and growth do not happen without rights, justice and the rule of law. Massive outlay to suppress dissent and control society is tyranny and thus temporary. A well-financed and equipped defense and security system serves the group that sponsors it while alienating the vast majority of the population. This is what happened in Egypt and Libya. The TPLF should know this. The Dergue possessed one of the largest and well equipped armies in Africa but failed at the end.

What is the relevance of this massive outlay in the instruments of control on human rights?

The bottom line is that the default line of stability at any cost provides the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—the ethnic-coalition that controls the state—justification to act as a police state for foreign powers and to get away with impunity by punishing citizens. Sadly, the donor and diplomatic community, the UN System and the AU often fail to grasp the magnitude of the problem by not measuring the Surveillance state’s punishments and potential adverse consequences against universal legal norms and best practices.

Rarely do donors, governments and the UN system go after state actors and human rights violators beyond studies and press releases until the situation is completely out of hand. My contention here is that Ethiopians cannot wait until a Rwanda like situation occurs; nor can the world community.

Stability without respecting human rights is illusory. It is a temporary phenomenon. Like the Soviet Union and North Korea, it may take decades of hard work and struggle by those who seek justice. In the meantime the UN system, donors and the diplomatic community have, at least, a moral obligation to acknowledge that Ethiopians are not asking special privileges. They are asking the world community to treat them the same as other countries that observe the rule of law, accept the dignity and rights of each person and respect international norms to which Ethiopia is a party.

Part II will use the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Ethiopian Constitution as a basis to mobilize efforts among Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopians.

"ከኦሮሚያ አንፃር፤ ከኢሕዴአግ ደርግ ይሻላል” – ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና

ዳ/ር መረራ ጉዲና በቅርቡ ባሳተሙት መጽሐፍ ላይ ምርጫ 97 እና ምርጫ 2002 በተመለከተ የራሳቸውን ግምገማ ማስፈራቸው የሚታወቅ ነው። ካሰፈሩት ነጥቦች እና መደምደሚያዎች አንፃር ቀጣዩን ምርጫ 2007 እንዴት ይመለከቱታል? ገዢው ፓርቲ እና ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎችን በተመለከተ ምንስ ይላሉ? የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግልን በተመለከተ ምን ይላሉ? ከተለያዩ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች የኃይል አሰላፍ አንፃር የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ የፖለቲካ ሂደት እንዴት ይገልጽታል? የቀኝ ኃይሎች የፖለቲካ አካሄድን እንዴት ይረዱታል? እና ሌሎች ተያያዥ ጥያቄዎችን በማንሳት ተወያይተwል። ከዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና ጋር ፋኑኤል ክንፉ ያካሄደው ቃለ-ምልልስ እንደሚከተለው ቀርቧል።

ሰንደቅ፡-የኢትዮጵያን ምርጫ ሂደት “ምርጫ” እና “ቅርጫ” በሚል አባባል ሲገልፁ ይሰማል። ምን ለማለት ፈልገው ነው?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡-በሀገራችን በበዓላት የቅርጫ ሥጋ የመካፈል ባህል አለ። ቅርጫ ሲካፈል ሁሉም እንደ አቅሙ ይወስዳል። ትልቅ ብር የከፈለ ትልቅ ይወስዳል። ትንሽ ብር የከፈለ በከፈለው መጠን ድርሻውን ያነሳል። በኢትዮጵያ ምርጫ ግን አንድ ጎበዝ ሁሉንም ጠቅልሎ ይወስዳል። ይህን የተዛባ ሁኔታ ለመግለጽ ነው፤ ምርጫ እና ቅርጫ በሚል ለመግለጽ የፈለኩት።

ሰንደቅ፡- በመጽሐፍዎ፤ “በአፍሪካ ሀገር የመንግስት ጥያቄ የአቅም ጥያቄ ነው” በማለት ጽፈዋል። ፅንሰ ሃሳቡ ምንድን ነው?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡-አቅም ሲባል፣ ወታደራዊና ድርጅታዊ አቅም ነው። በተለይ ወታደራዊ አቅም። በአፍሪካ ወታደራዊ አቅም እስከሌለህ ድረስ በሕዝብ ድጋፍ ብቻ የመንግስት ስልጣን አታገኝም። ስልጣን ላይ አትወጣም። በተለይ ተቃዋሚ ከሆንክ ከእስር ቤት ወይም ከስደት አታመልጥም።
ሰንደቅ፡- ይህ የእርስዎ መሰረታዊ አስተሳሰብ ከሆነ፣ በ1997 ዓ.ም፣ በ2002 ዓ.ም አሁን ደግሞ በ2007 ዓ.ም ምርጫ መሳተፍ ለምን አስፈለጋችሁ? የፖለቲካ መጫወቻ ክፍት ቦታ እናገኛለን የሚልስ መነሻ እንዴት አገኛችሁ?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡-የምርጫ ፓርቲዎች በመሆናችን በምርጫው ገፍተናል። ወታደራዊ አቅምም ስለሌለን ከምርጫ ውጪ አማራጭ የለንም። ወደ ምርጫ የገባነው በጠቀስኳቸው ምክንያቶች እንጂ የፖለቲካ መጫወቻ ክፍተት እናገኛለን ከሚል መነሻ አይደለም።

ሰንደቅ፡- በመፅሐፍዎ ላይ፣ በምርጫ 97 እና በምርጫ 2002 የተቃዋሚውን ጐራ ያልሰራቸው የቤት ስራዎች መኖራቸውን አስፍረዋል። በተለይ የተቃዋሚው ጐራ በትብብር አንድ መሆኑንና ጠንካራ አደረጃጀት አለመያዙ ያስከፈለውን ዋጋ አንስተዋል። አሁንስ በ2007 ዓ.ም ምርጫ የተቃዋሚው ጐራ ይህን ስህተት አርሟል?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- የኢትዮጵያ ተቃዋሚ ኃይሎች ያላለፉት የታሪክ ፈተና፣ ማሸነፍ ያልቻሉት የታሪክ ፈተና በተለይም ተባብሮ የመስራት፣ አቅም ገንብቶ የመስራት፣ ልዩነቶችን አቻችሎ አብሮ የመስራት፣ ተባብሮ ገዢውን ፓርቲ የመግፋት ፖለቲካው አሁንም ድረስ ያላለፉት ታሪክ ፈተና ሆኖ ቀጥሏል። አሁንም አላለፍነውም። እንደውም ከ97 ጋር ሲተያይ ደከም ብለን የምንታይበት ሁኔታ ነው ያለው።

ስለዚህም ከአሁን ጀምሮ የተቃዋሚው ኃይሎች ቁጭ ብለው አሰላስለው ያለንበትን ሁኔታ መመልከት ተገቢ ነው። በተለይ ትግሉ ወደ ፊት እንዲገፋ የተሻለ ውጤት ለማምጣት ይህን የታሪክ ፈተና ለማለፍ በምንችልበት አቅጣጫ መንቀሳቀስ አለብን። ይህን የታሪክ ፈተና ማለፍ ካልቻልን የትም መድረስ አንችልም። ኢትዮጵያም የትም መሄድ አትችልም። እየተቋሰሉ፣ እየተጣሉ፣ እየተጠላለፉ በተተበተበ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ እየዋዠቁ መኖር፣ ለራሳችንም ሆነ ለሀገራችን የተሻለ ስራ እየሰራን እንዳልሆነ ይሰማኛል። የበለጠ ወደ ኋላ ቀርተናል።

ሰንደቅ፡- በመጽሐፍዎ በቀኝ ኃይሎች መቸገርዎን አስፍረዋል። እንደሚታወቀው የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ ም/ቤት ከመድረክ ጋር ያለውን ግንኙነት በገመገመበት ወቅት በብሔር ከተደራጁ ኃይሎች ጋር ለመስራት እንደማይችሉ ከስምምነት መድረሳቸው መዘገቡ ይታወቃል። ከዚህ አንፃር አሁንስ መድረክ ከቀኝ ኃይሎች ጋር ያለው ልዩነት እንደቀጠለ አድርገን መውሰድ እንችላለን ወይ?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- አንድነት ውስጥ ያሉም ሌሎች በተቃዋሚ ጐራ ያሉ ጓደኞቼን ለመምከር ሞክሬአለሁ። ወደፊት ለመሄድ፣ ወንዝ ለሚያሻግር ፖለቲካ ለመስራት፣ የታሪክ ፈተናን ለማለፍ የኢትዮጵያ ተቃዋሚ ኃይሎች፣ የዴሞክራሲ ኃይሎች ነን የሚሉት ተባብረው ካልሰሩ፣ አቅም ገንብተው ካልሰሩ፣ የመቻቻል ፖለቲካ እስካልፈጠሩ ድረስ ለብቻቸው የትም አይደርሱም። ይህ በግልጽ መቀመጥ ያለበት ጉዳይ ነው። ከዚህ ውጪ ትርፉ ልፋት ብቻ ነው።

ተባብረው ካልታገሉ አንድም ገዢውን ፓርቲ አስገድደው ነፃና ፍትሃዊ ምርጫ እንዲቀበል ማስገደድ አይችሉም። ገዢው ፓርቲ እንኳን በድንገት ከስልጣን ላይ ቢወርድ የተረጋጋች ኢትዮጵያን ለመምራት የሚችሉበት ሁኔታ አይፈጠርም። ኢትዮጵያን ለሚቀጥሉት ሰላሳ ዓመታት አንድ ፓርቲ ለብቻው እገዛለሁ፣ አስተዳድራለሁ የሚለው ነገር ገዢው ፓርቲ ኢሕአዴግ ላይ ማብቃት አለበት። ኢሕአዴግ ሚሊዮን ሰራዊት ይዞ፣ የሀገሪቷን ሃብት ተቆጣጥሮ ሁሉንም ነገር ይዞ፣ ኢትዮጵያን በፈለገበት መንገድ መግዛት አልቻለም። ሃያ ሦስት ዓመት ለፋ እንጂ በሕዝብ ፈቃድ በተፈለገው መንገድ ማስተዳደር አልቻለም። ለሰላምና መረጋጋት በሚል ከፍተኛ የሀገሪቷ ሐብትም እየባከነ ነው የሚገኘው።

ከዚህ መለስ ያሉ ፓርቲዎች ደግሞ የሕልም ጉዞ ከመጓዝ ውጪ ኢሕአዴግ ከስልጣን አውርዶ የተሻለች ኢትዮጵያን፣ የተረጋጋች ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር ከተፈለገ የግድ ተቃዋሚዎች ተባብረው መስራት አለባቸው። ልዩነቶችን አቻችለው ከወዲሁ የሞኝ ጉዞአቸውን አቁመው የተደቀነባቸውን የታሪክ ፈተና ለማለፍ መስራት አለባቸው። ይህን ማድረግ ካልቻሉ የትም አይደርሱም። ከዚህ ውጪ ያለው መንገድ አላስፈላጊ ሐብታችንን፣ ገንዘባችን እውቀታችንን ለማባከን ነው የሚሆነው። ተቃዋሚው ኃይል ከገቡበት የታሪክ እስር ቤት ሰብረው መውጣት አለባቸው። የዛሬ አርባ አመት ያልቻልነው ይሄንኑ ነው። ዛሬም ያልቻልነው ይህኑኑ ነው። ያ ቡድን… ይህ ቡድን… ነፃ ያወጣል የሚባለውን የሕልም ጉዞ መብቃት አለበት። በተባበረ ትግል ያልተመራ ተቃውሞ መጨረሻው፣ ሁሉንም ነገር በገዢው ፓርቲ በጎ ፈቃድ የሚወሰን ነው የሚሆነው። ይህን በግልፅ ማስቀመጥ ያስፈልጋል። በመጪው ምርጫ መታረም አለበት።

ሰንደቅ፡- የአረቡ ዓለም የፀደይ አብዮት ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ቢመጣም ሰፊ መሰረት ያለው ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓት እስካልተዘረጋ ድረስ የፈለግነው ውጤት ላይ አያደርሰንም ብለዋል። ለዚህ መከራከሪያዎ የሚያነሱት ኀሳብ ምንድን ናቸው?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- በግልፅ እየታየ ያለ ነገር ነው። ወደግራ፣ ወደቀኝ፣ ወደጎን፣ ወደላይ እየተሄደ ነው። ይህ የገመድ ጉተታ ፖለቲካም ኢሕአዴግ የልብ ልብ እየሰጠው ነው፤ በአላስፈላጊ መንገድም እንዲሄድ እያደረገው ነው፤ ራሳቸውንም ተቃዋሚዎቹን ገመድ ጉተታ ውስጥ ከቷቸዋል። ይህን የመሰለ የፖለቲካ ክፍተት ቀዳዳው ካልተሸፈነ ምንም አይነት ለውጥ ቢመጣ የትም መሄድ አይቻልም። ቀዳዳዎችን ደፍኖ ወደ አንድ መስመር መምጣት ከተቻለ መንግስትንም መለወጥ ይቻላል።

ዴሞክራሲ የሚባለው ብሔራዊ መግባባት መፍጠር ሲቻል ብቻ ነው። ሀገራችን እንዴት ትመራ? ምን አይነት ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ያስፈልገናል? የፖለቲካ መቻቻል የብሔር ብሔረሰቦች መብት? የፌደራሊዝም አይነት? ቁጭ ተብሎ መነጋገር ስትችል ነው። ይህ ባልሆነበት ሁኔታ ማንኛውም አይነት ለውጥ ቢመጣ ወደተፈለገው ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት አንደርስም። ለውጥ ቢከሰት የተለመደው የገመድ ጉተታ ፖለቲካ መከሰቱ አይቀሬ ነው። ለዚህ ጥሩ ማሳያ የግብፅ የፀደይ አብዮት ነው። ስልጣን ላይ ያለውን መንግስት አወረዱ፤ ቢያንስ እስከ ማውረድ ተስማምተው ነበር። በዚህ መልኩ ከእኛ ይሻላሉ።

ከለውጡ በኋላ ግን እያየን ያለነው የሙባረክ ወታደሮች ናቸው፤ ሃገር እየገዙ ያለው። ይባስ ብለው ሙባረክን ነፃ አውጥተው ለለውጥ የተነሱ ኃይሎችን እየገደሉ፣ እያሰሩ ይገኛሉ። ለዚህ ምክንያቱ የለውጥ ኃይሉ ሙባረክን እስከማውረድ እንጂ ቀጣይ የግብፅ መንግስት እና ሕዝብ እንዴት መመራት እንዳለባቸው የደረሱበት ስምምነት አልነበረም። የለውጡ ኃይል ብሔራዊ መግባባት አልነበረውም። በተመሳሳይ መልኩ በዚህም ሀገር ተመሳሳይ ለውጥ ቢከሰት ኢሕአዴግን ከማውረድ በዘለለ የተደረሰ ብሔራዊ መግባባት ባለመኖሩ ተመሳሳይ ዕጣ ፈንታ ሊከስት የሚችልበት እድል ሰፊ ነው። እንደው ጠዋት እና ማታ አንድነት፣ አንድነት ስለተባለ ብቻ ቀውስ ማቆም አይቻልም። የወደፊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ምን መምሰል እንዳለባት አሁን ላይ ነው ምላሽ መስጠት ያለባቸው፣ አሁን ላይ ነው መግባባት መተባበር የሚያስፈልገው። ቢያንስ ምን አይነት የፖለቲካ ስርዓት ያስፈልጋል? ምን አይነት ፌደራሊዝም ያስፈልጋል? የሁሉም አስተዋፅኦ ምን መሆን አለበት? ለዚህም ነው ኢሕአዴግ ተገፍቶ እንኳን ከስልጣን ቢወርድ ይህን ታሪካዊ ፈተና እስካላለፍን ድረስ የተረጋጋ የፖለቲካ ስርዓት መፍጠር አንችልም የሚለውን መናገር እፈልጋለሁ። ፖለቲካ እስከገባኝ ድረስ ለውጥ ውስጥ ያሉ ኃይሎችም እንዲረዱኝ የምፈልገው ይህንኑ እውነት ነው።

እንደተባለው አንዳንድ የፖለቲካ ኃይሎች ከዚህ ቡድን ጋር፣ ከዛ ቡድን ጋር አልሰራም አሉ ነው የተባለው። ከመስራት ውጪ ምንም አማራጭ የላቸውም። ሌላው አማራጫቸው ኢትዮጵያን ማጥፋት ብቻ ነው። እድልም ቢገጥማቸው እና ወደስልጣን ቢጠጉ ኢትዮጵያን ቢያጠፉ እንጂ ከሌሎች የፖለቲካ ኃይሎች ጋር ተባብረው በመሀል መንገድ ላይ ካልተገናኙ በስተቀር ኢትዮጵያን የትም አይወስዷትም። ለምሳሌ ከእኛ አይነት የፖለቲካ ኃይል ጋር ካልሰሩ፣ ከነፃ አውጪ ድርጅቶች ጋር ምን ሊሆኑ ነው? ከኦነግ፣ ከኦብነግ፣ ከጋምቤላ ነፃ አውጪ ግንባሮች ጋር ምን ሊያደርጉ ነው? ስለዚህም መሬት ላይ ያለውን የኃይል አሰላለፍ ምንድን ነው ብሎ መፈተሸ ተገቢ ነው የሚሆነው። ከዚህ ውጪ ለመብታቸው የሚታገሉትን ጡረታ ለማስወጣት ከሆነ መጀመሪያ ጉልበቱ እንዳላቸው ማረጋገጥ ነው። ጉልበት እንኳን ቢኖራቸው ደርግ የኤርትራን ጥያቄ ገፍቶ ገፍቶ አሁን ወደላበት ደረጃ እንዳደረሰው ሁሉ፤ እነዚህም የቀረችውን ኢትዮጵያ ገፍተው ለሁላችን የማትሆነውን ኢትዮጵያ ለመፍጠር ካልሆነ በስተቀር ሌላ ነገር ያላቸው አይመስለኝም። ለዚህም ነው የመተባበር፣ ሰጥቶ የመቀበል፣ የመቻቻል ፖለቲካ ውስጥ መግባት ካልተቻለ ቢያንስ ቢያንስ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ኢትዮጵያን አናገኛትም። ምን አልባትም ከዚህ የበለጠ አደጋ ሊመጣ ይችላል። ኢትዮጵያን የሚበታትን አደጋም ሊፈጠር ይችላል።

ሰንደቅ፡- በመፅሐፍዎ መደምደሚያ ሶስት ምክረ ኀሳብና ወቀሳ አስቀምጠዋል። ከእነዚህ ውስጥ “የትግራይ ሊሂቃን ስልጣን ወይም ሞት የሙጥኝ” ብለዋል የሚለው አንዱ ነው። ለዚህ አገላለፅዖ ማሳያው ምንድን ነው?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- በግልፅ ነው የሚታየው። የኢትዮጵያን ዋና የስልጣን መዘውር የያዙት እነሱ ናቸው። በየትኛውም ሁኔታ ብትወስደው በበላይነት እነሱ ናቸው የሚመሩት።

ሰንደቅ፡- የኢትዮጵያን መንግስት የሚመራው በሚኒስትሮች ምክር ቤት ነው። በዚህ ምክር ቤት ውስጥ እርስዎ ከሚሏቸው የትግራይ ሊሂቃን ከሶስት አይበልጡም። ከዚህ አንፃር ድምዳሜዎትን እንዴት ያዩታል?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ብዙ ዝርዝር ውስጥ ሳልገባ ቁልፍ ስልጣንም ያላቸው፣ የመወሰንም ስልጣን ያላቸው ተቋማቱንም የሚያንቀሳቅሱት የሚያስወስኑትም በዋናነት ከትግራይ የመጡ ሊሂቃን ናቸው ለማለት ነው።

ሰንደቅ፡- የአማራው ሊሂቃን አሁንም ድረስ “ከበላይነት አስተሳሰባቸው መላቀቅ አልቻሉም” ብለዋል። ከአማራው ሕዝብ የወጡ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ኢትዮጵያን ለመገንባት የሚንቀሳቀሱ ኃይሎችን በዚህ አገላለጽዎ እንዴት ያስተናግዷቸዋል?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- የአማራ ሕዝብ ትላንትም ዛሬም ሲጨቆን አውቃለሁ። እዚህ ላይ ጠብ የለኝም። ዋናው ጉዳይ እኔ ፖለቲካ እስከገባኝ ድረስ የአማራ ሊሂቃን የበላይነት አስተሳሰቡ አለቀቀውም። ከሌሎች ኃይሎች ጋር ብሔራዊ መግባባት ፈጥሮ እናንተም እንዲህ ሁኑ እኛም መሐል መንገድ ላይ እንመጣለን ብሎ በጋራ ለመስራት እና ልዩነቶችን መሃከል ላይ አድርሶ የመታገል ፍላጎት አላይባቸውም። ለዚህ ጥሩ ምሳሌ የሚሆነው በጎሳ የተደራጁ በምን የተደራጁ ቡድኖች ጋር አንሰራም የሚለው የአማራው ሊሂቃን አስተሳሰብ፣ ከማን ጋር ሊሰሩ ነው? ስለዚህም የዛሬይቱን ኢትዮጵያ ተቀብሎ በጋራ መስራት ነው የሚያስፈልገው። እኔ በግሌ ሂሳብ የማወራረድ ፖለቲካ አልፈልግም። ሆኖም ግን አንድ የተወሰነ ማሕበረሰብ ተበድያለሁ ሲል አልተበደልክም የሚል ድርቅ ያለ መከራከሪያ ከማንሳት ቢያንስ ወደፊት ማንም የማይበደልበት ሀገር እንግባ ማለት የተሻለ ነው የሚሆነው። አዲስቷን ኢትዮጵያ ለመፍጠር መስራት ነው የሚጠበቅባቸው።
ሰንደቅ፡- የብሔረ አማራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ (ብአዴን) ውስጥ ያሉ የአማራ ሊሂቃን የአማራ ሕዝብ እንደማንም የተጨቆነ፣ ኋላ የቀረ ሕዝብ መሆኑን ተረድተው ከሌሎች ብሔሮች ጋር ዴሞክራሲያዊ ኢትዮጵያን ለመገንባት እየታገሉ እንደሚገኙ የድርጅታቸውም ሰነድ ሆነ ሊሂቃኑ በአደባባይ የሚናገሩት ነው። የአማራ የበላይነት መጠበቅ አለበት ሲሉም አይደመጡም። ከዚህ አንፃር ድምዳሜዎ ሁሉኑም የአማራ ሊሂቃን ማጠቃለሉን እንዴት ያዩታል? ብአዴን እየተጠቀመ ያለውን የፖለቲካ መጨወቻ ሜዳስ (political space) እንዴት ይገልጽታል?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ብአዴን የሚሰራው በዚህች ሀገር ውስጥ የበለጠ ችግር የሚፈጥር ነው። ምክንያቱም የሚያስፈጽሙት የኢሕአዴግ ፖሊሲዎችን ነው።
ሰንደቅ፡- ኢሕአዴግ ከመሰረቱት ፓርቲዎች አንዱ ብአዴን ነው። ስለዚህም ራሱ የተሳተፈበትን ፖሊሲ ማስፈጸሙ እንዴት ጉዳት ይሆናል?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ብአዴን ትንሽ ከኦህዴድ ይሻል ይሆናል እንጂ የተለየ ሚና የላቸውም። ከዚህ ውጪ የአንድ መንግስት አስፈፃሚዎች ናቸው። እኔ እስከሚገባኝ ድረስ ከዚህ የዘለለ ሚና የላቸውም።

ሰንደቅ፡- እርስዎ ካስቀመጡት መደምደሚያ መነሻነት ወስደን፣ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ከፍተኛ የሆነ የኢኮኖሚ ለውጦች አሉ። በማሕበራዊም በፖለቲካውም አንፃራዊ ለውጦች አሉ። በብቸኛ መንግስትነት ያስቀመጡዋቸው “የትግራይ ሊሂቃን” እነዚህን ተግባሮች በዚህች ሀገር ውስጥ መፈጸማቸው ከምን መነሻ የመጣ ነው? በእርስዎ አረዳድ የትግራይ ሊሂቃን በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የተለየ ተልዕኮ ወይም ራዕይ አላቸው ብለው ያስባሉ?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ብዙ ዝርዝር ውስጥ ሳልገባ እነዚህ ኃይሎች በሀገሪቷ ውስጥ ብሔራዊ መግባባት ካልፈጠሩ፣ ሀገሪቷን ወደ ብሔራዊ ዕርቅ ካልመሩ፣ ሀገሪቷን ወደ ብሔራዊ ስምምነት ካልመሩ መጪው ጊዜ ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ብሩህ ነው የሚል ግምት የለኝም።

ሰንደቅ፡- ገዢው ፓርቲ ብሔራዊ ዕርቅ ጉዳይ ሲነሳ የተለያዩ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰቦችን ከማስታረቅ ጋር መያያዝ የለበትም። በፖለቲካ መስመርም የተጣላ የለም የሚል መከራከሪያ ያነሳል። በዚህ ላይ የእርስዎ አስተያየት ምንድን ነው?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- እንደዚህ እያሉን ኢሕአዴግ እንዲሁም በበላይነት የሚመራው ህወሓት ተጣልተው አገኘናቸው። ለምሳሌ ሕወሃት ብትወስድ አንዱን ጎኑ በልቶ ነው ስልጣን ላይ ያለው፣ የቆየው። እነአቶ ተወልደ የመለስ ሁለተኛ ሰው ነበሩ። አቶ ስዬ የሀገር መከላከያ ሚኒስትር ነበር። አቶ ገብሩ አስራት የትግራይ መስተዳድር ፕሬዝደንት ነበረ። ከዚህ አንፃር ግማሽ ጎኑን በልቶ ሕወሃት ስልጣን ላይ የቆየው። ብሔራዊ ርዕቅ ለራሱም ለኢሕአዴግ ያስፈልጋል። እነዚህ ሰዎች ኢሕአዴግ ከጫካ ሚኒሊክ ቤተመንግስት ድረስ ያመጡ ሰዎች ናቸው። አሁን ከሚታዩት ባለስልጣናት የበለጠ ዋጋ የከፈሉ ናቸው። ስለዚህም የተጣለ የለም የሚሉት ቀልድ ነው። ቀልዳቸውን መቀጠል ይችላሉ።

በድርጅቶች ደረጃ ከወሰድነው ላለፉት አርባ አመታት የተቋሰሉ ድርጅቶች ያለባት ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለነው። በማሕበረሰብ ደረጃም ከወሰድነው ብዙ ቅራኔዎች እንዳሉም እናውቃለን። ስለዚህም የተጣለ የለም እየተባለ ግጭት በአፍጫችን ላይ ጠዋት እና ማታ እየፈነዳ ነው ያለው። ለምሳሌ በጉራፈርዳ፣ በመዠንገር፣ በጋምቤላ፣ በሱማሌ እና በኦሮሚያ አካባቢዎች ግጭቶች ተነስተዋል። ሰዎችም ተፈናቅለዋል። ነገር ግን ጉዳዩ ተዳፍኗል።

ሰንደቅ፡- የእርስዎ መከራከሪያ እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ፣ እስካሁን ካለፍናቸው መንግስታት ለኦሮሚያ ሕዝብ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓትን በመዘርጋትና ተጠቃሚ በማድረግ አሁን ያለው መንግስት የተሻለ መሆኑን አንስተው የሚከራከሩ ምሁራን አሉ። እርስዎ ከዚህ አንፃር እንዴት ነው የሚመለከቱት?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- የምትላቸው ወገኖች ምን ያህል ፖለቲካ ገብቶአቸው ይሁን አልገባቸው አላውቅም። ለምሳሌ ደርግ እና ኢሕአዴግን እንውሰድ። በኢትዮጵያ ደረጃ በተለይ በሰሜኑ ክፍል ደርግ ከሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች የባሳ ሊሆን ይችላል፤ ለኦሮሚያ ግን አልነበረም። እኔን ብትወስደኝ በደርግ ሰባት አመታት ታስሬያለሁ። ከእኔ ጋር መኢሶን ውስጥ የተገደሉም አሉ። በተወሰነ ደረጃ በኦነግም ውስጥ የነበሩ የተገደሉ አሉ። ግን በሰፊው ሲታይ በደርግ ጊዜ ከነበረው ይልቅ ኦሮሚያ ውስጥ አሁን ያለው ቀውስ ይበዛል። አሁን ያለው እስር ይበዛል። እስር ቤት ብትሄድ የእስር ቤት ቋንቋ ኦሮሚፋ ነው የሚባለው ለዚህም ነው።

በተለይ በስፋት ከወሰድነው ደርግ እና ኢሕአዴግን አታወዳድርም። በዚህ ዘመን በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ የደረሰውን በደል አታመዛዝነውም። በኢትዮጵያ ደረጃ ቀይ ሽብር ከወሰድክ የደርግ በደል ወንጀል አፈና ይበዛል። የበለጠም ነው። በኦሮሞ ደረጃ ግን ሁለቱን ስርዓቶች ስታወዳድረው በሚታሰረውና በሚገደለው ብዛትና በደረሰው መፈናቀል እና ሌሎችም ነገሮችን ስታይ የኢሕአዴግ ይብሳል የሚል እምነት አለኝ። ደርግ ምንም ይሁን ምንም የኢትዮጵያ ንቅናቄ ስጦታም ቢሆን መሬት ላራሹ በአብዛኛው ኦሮሞና የተቀረውን የደቡብ ሕዝብን ከጭሰኛነት አውጥቶታል፣ ጠቅሞታልም። በሌላ በኩል ደርግ ሁላችንንም ገድሏል። ወንድሜንም ገድሏል።

ሰንደቅ፡- ካስቀመጡት መከራከሪያ በመነሳት፣ ኦህዴድ ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የሰራው ስራ የለም ብሎ መደምደም ይቻላል?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡- እኔም ሆንክ በሌሎች የኦሮሞ ሙሁራን ኦህዴድ የሚታወቀው፣ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ በማዘረፉ፣ ሕዝቡን በማሳሰሩ፣ ሃብት በማስቀማቱ ነው። አሉታዊ በሆነ መልኩ ነው የሚታወቀው። የኦሮሞን ልጆች መብት በማስጠበቅና በማጎናጸፍ አይታወቅም። ይህን ስልህ በቀድሞ የኦህዴድ ባለስልጣናት ጭምር የተረጋገጠ ነው። በተለይ ከፓርቲው ከተለዩ በኋላ የሚሰጡት ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ውክልና እንዳልተሳካለት ነው።

ሰንደቅ፡- በኦህዴድ ፖለቲካ አመራር ክልሉ በቋንቋው እንዲጠቀም፣ የፍትህ ስርዓቱንም በቋንቋው እንዲዳኝ፣ ክልላዊ መንግስት እንዲኖረው፣ መሬቱን የማስተዳደር ስልጣን፣ መሰረተ ልማቶችን የመገንባቱ ስራዎች በመልካም ጎኑ ሊወሰድ አይችልም?

ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ዋናው ጉዳይ የኦሮሞን መብት ጥቅም እናስከብራለን የሚሉ የኦሮሞ ኃይሎች እይታቸው ነው ችግሩ። የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ እነዚህ ኃይሎችን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ፈጥረውልኛል ብሎ ይመለከታቸዋል ወይ? መብትና ክብሬን እያስጠበቁ ነው ብሎ ይመለከታል ወይ? ሕዝብ ይህን መመስከር ካልቻለ ዋጋ የለውም። በቃለ መሃላ ብቻ እናደርጋለን ማለት የትም አያደርስም። ውሃም አይቋጥርም። እነሃሰን አሊ፣ አልማዝ መኮ፣ ጁነዲን ሳዶ፣ እንዲሁም ዶ/ር ነጋሶ ጊዳዳን ጨምሮ ኦህዴድ የሚለውን የሚተገብር ሳይሆን ሕዝቡን የሚያስጠቃ ነው ብለዋል። ሕዝቡን ከመሬቱ እያፈናቀለው ነው። ሃብቱን እያዘረፈው ነው። በቀድሞ የኦህዴድ አመራሮችም በሕዝቡ ውስጥ ያለው አመለካከት ይህ ነው። ስለዚህም ኦህዴድ የሚለው ዴሞክራሲያዊ አስተዳደር ሳይሆን የሞግዚት አስተዳደር ነው በኦሮሚያ ያለው። ችግሩ እዚህ ላይ ነው።

ሰንደቅ፡- በመፅሐፍዎ ላይ ኦነግን በተመለከተ ካልተነካካን በስተቀር ለሶስተኛ ወገን ብለን አንጋጭም ብለዋል። ይህ ምን ማለት ነው?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ኦነግን በተመለከተ እኛ የተለየ አቋም እንዳለን ይታወቃል። እነሱም ያውቃሉ። ሆኖም ግን የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ዴሞክራሲያዊ መብቱ እስከሚጠበቅለት ድረስ ለምን በዚያ፣ በዚህ መስመር ሄደው ታገሉ ብለን የምናገልበት ሁኔታ የለም። እነሱን ወደመግፋት መጣላት ውስጥ አንገባም ለማለት ነው። ዋናው ጉዳይ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ለነፃነቱ ለክብሩ እየታገለ ነው የሚገኘው። የተለያዩ የኦሮሞ ድርጅቶች ደግሞ በተለያየ ስትራቴጂ ፖሊሲ እየታገሉ ነው የሚገኙት። ስለዚህ በተቻለ መጠን የእኛ ድርጅት ካልተነካ እነሱ እኛ ላይ ድንጋይ ካልወረወሩ ከመሬት ተነስተን ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ እንታገላለን ስላሉ ብቻ አንጋጭም። እንደስትራቴጂም አንከተለውም።

ሰንደቅ፡- በአንፃሩ ግን በመጽሐፍዎ ላይ፣ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ እንደኦህዴድ ለሌሎች ኃይሎች የኃይል ሚዛን መጠበቂያ መሆን የለበትም ብለዋል። የዚህስ መነሻ አመለካከቶ ምንድን ነው?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ደጋግሜ እንደምለው የኦህዴድ ባለስልጣናት የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ጥቅም ከማስከበር ወደ ማስጠቃት፣ ከቤት ንብረታቸው ማፈናቀሉ፣ በአዲስ አበባ ዙሪያ እንኳን በመቶ ሺዎች የሚሆኑ የኦሮሞ ልጆች ተፈናቅለዋል። በሺዎች ታስረዋል። ስለዚህም ነገ ከነገ ወዲያ አይጠቅማችሁም። የተወለዳችሁት ከኦሮሞ ልጆች ነው። የሚቀብራችሁ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ነው። ያደጋችሁት የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ወተት እየጠጣችሁ ነው። ሕዝባችሁን ለጊዜያዊ ጥቅም ብላችሁ አትጉዱ። እነዚህን ሌሎችን ለመፈጸም መሳሪያ አትሁኑ ለማለት ፈልጌ ነው።

ሰንደቅ፡- አሁን ካለው መንግስት በጠንካራ ጎን የሚያነሱት ይኖርዎት ይሆን?
ዶ/ር መረራ፡- ሲመጡ የገቡት ቃል ኪዳን ጥሩ ነበር። የብሔረሰቦችን እኩልነት እናመጣለን። ዴሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት እናመጣለን። የእዝ ኢኮኖሚን አስወግደን በተሻለ መንገድ የገበያ ስርዓት እንድንመራ እናደርጋለን ያሏቸው ቃል ኪዳኖች በጣም ጥሩ ነበሩ። በኋላ ላይ የሄዱበት መስመር ነው ከኢሕአዴግ የለያየን። ኢሕአዴግ ስልጣን ላይ ሲወጣ ደጋፊው ነበርኩ። በመጸሐፌም አስፍሬዋለሁ። የተለያየነው የሽግግር መንግስት ምስረታ ላይ በተፈጸመው ቲያትር ነው። ያለፉት መንግስታት ሲሰሩት የነበረውን ድራማ አይናችን እያየ ደገመው። ከዚህ በኋላ ኢሕአዴግ የትም አይደርስም የሚል መደምደሚያ ላይ የደረስኩት ለዚህ ነው።
ቢያንስ ቢያንስ ግን ደርግን ስንታገል ለነበርነው ኃይሎች ደርግን ማስወገዳቸው በየትኛውም ሚዛን ትልቅ ድል ነው። ግን ደርግ የሰራውን ስህተት በቪዲዮ እያየ እሱኑ መድገሙ ትልቅ ወንጀል ነው። ይህን ስህተት ካላረመ ከደርግ የተሻለ የታሪክ ስፍራ ይኖረዋል የሚል ግምት ለመስጠት ያስቸግራል።

Hearing On the Human Rights Dilemmas in Ethiopia

November 17, 2014

Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission – Hearing On the Human Rights Dilemmas in Ethiopia – Testimony of Felix Horne, Researcher, Africa Division

Press Release

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for providing me the opportunity to speak today about the human rights situation in Ethiopia.

The other panelists have articulated some of the critical issues that are facing Ethiopia ahead of the May 2015 elections. I would like to elaborate on human rights concerns associated with Ethiopia’s many development challenges.

Ethiopia is the one of the largest recipients of development assistance in the world, including more than $800 million in 2014 from the US government. Many of Ethiopia’s 94 million people live in extreme poverty, and poverty reduction is rightly one of both the US and Ethiopian government’s core goals. Improving economic and human development is fundamental to ensuring that Ethiopians are able to enjoy their rights to health care, education, shelter, food and water, and Ethiopia’s government, civil society, international donors and private investors all have important roles contributing to the realization of these rights.

But sustainable development also requires a commitment to the full range of human rights, not just higher incomes, access to education and health care, but the ability for people to express their views freely, participate in public policy decision-making, join associations of their choice, have recourse to a fair and accessible justice system, and live free of abuse and discrimination.

Moreover, development that is not rooted in respect for human rights can be counter-productive, associated with abusive practices and further impoverishment of people already living in situations of extreme poverty. In Ethiopia, over the past few years Human Rights Watch has documented disturbing cases where international donors providing development assistance are turning a blind eye to government practices that fail to respect the rights of all beneficiaries. Instead of improving life in local communities, these projects are proving harmful to them. And given the repression of independent voices, media and associations, there are no realistic mechanisms for many local communities to express their views to their government. Instead, those who object or critique the government’s approach to development projects face the prospect of intimidation, harassment and even serious abuse.

In 2011 in Ethiopia’s western region, Gambella, Human Rights Watch documented such abuses during the implementation of the first year of the government’s “villagization” program. Gambella is a region populated by indigenous groups who have suffered from political marginalization and lack of development for decades. In theory the villagization program aimed to address some of these concerns. This program required all indigenous households in the region to move from their widely separated homes into larger villages – ostensibly to provide improved basic services including much-needed schools, health clinics and roads.

I was in Gambella for several weeks in 2011 and travelled to 16 different villages in five different districts. I met with people who had not yet moved from their homes and others who had been resettled. I interviewed dozens of people who said they did not wish to move but were forced by the government, by police, and by Ethiopia’s army if necessary. People described widespread human rights violations, including forced displacement, arbitrary arrest and detention, beatings, and rape and other sexual violence. Thousands of villagers fled into neighboring countries where they became refugees. At the same time, in the new villages, many of the promised services were not available and the food security situation was dire.

The villagization program has also been implemented in other marginalized regions in Ethiopia. These regions are the same areas where government is leasing large pieces of land to foreign investors, often from India, China and the Gulf states, without meaningful consultation with local communities, without any compensation being paid to local communities, and with no benefits for local communities other than low-paying labor jobs on the plantations.

In the Omo valley in southern Ethiopia, Human Rights Watch found that the combination of sugar and cotton plantations and hydroelectric development is causing the displacement of up to 200,000 indigenous people from their lands. Massive amounts of water are being used for these projects which will have devastating impacts for Lake Turkana across the border in Kenya and the 300,000 indigenous people who live in the vicinity of the lake and depend upon it. The displacement of communities in the Omo valley is well underway. As in Gambella, communities in the Omo valley told Human Rights Watch about coercion, beatings, arrests and threats from military and police to force people to move to new settlements.

Human Rights Watch also found politically motivated abuse in development programs. In 2010, we documented discrimination and “political capture” in the distribution of the benefits of development programs especially prior to the 2010 elections. Opposition party supporters and others who did not support the ruling party were denied access to some of resources provided by donor-funded programs, including food aid, micro credit, seeds, fertilizers, and other critical agricultural inputs needed for food security, and even employment opportunities. Schools, funded as part of education programs by the US and other development partners, were used to indoctrinate school children in ruling party ideology and teachers were required to report youth perceived to support the opposition to the local authorities. These government practices, many of which continue today, show the intense pressure put on Ethiopian citizens to support the ruling party, and the way in which development aid is manipulated to discriminate against certain communities.

All of these cases have several common features. First, the Ethiopian government routinely denies the allegations without investigation, claiming they are politically motivated, while simultaneously restricting access for independent media and investigators. Second, these programs are directly and indirectly funded by Western donors, who seem unwilling to acknowledge, much less address human rights concerns in Ethiopia.

Monitoring and evaluation of these programs for human rights abuses is inadequate. Even when donors carry out assessments to look into the allegations, as has happened in Gambella, they are not conducted rigorously and do not ensure victims of abuses can speak freely and safely. In the current environment in Ethiopia, it is essential for anyone seeking to investigate human rights violations to go to locations where victims can speak openly, to understand the dynamics of the local communities, and recognize the depths of the fear they are experiencing.

All of these problems are exacerbated by the ongoing government crackdown on the media and civil society. The independent press has been ravaged since the 2010 election, with the vast majority of journalists terrified to report anything that is remotely critical of the government. In October I was in a country neighboring Ethiopia where over 30 journalists have fled in the past few months alone. I spoke to many of them: their papers were closed, their families were threatened, and many had been charged under repressive laws merely because they criticized and questioned the Ethiopian government’s policies on development and other issues. I spoke with someone who was forced to seek asylum abroad because he had questioned in writing whether the development of Africa’s largest dam on the Nile River was the best use of money in a country where poverty is pervasive.

As for Ethiopian civil society, it has been decimated by another law, the Charities and Societies Proclamation. It has made obtaining foreign funding nearly impossible for groups working on human rights, good governance, and advocacy. Leading members of the human rights movement have been forced to flee abroad.

Some people take to the streets to peacefully protest. Throughout 2014 there were various protests throughout Ethiopia. In many of these protests, including during the student protests in the Oromia region in April and May of this year, the security forces used excessive force, including the use of live ammunition against the students. We don’t even know how many Oromo students are still detained because the government publicizes no information, there is no comprehensive human rights monitoring and reporting, and family members are terrified of reporting the cases. Members of the Muslim community who organized protests in 2012 against what they saw as government interference in religious affairs have also paid an enormous price for those demonstrations, with many beaten or arrested and most of the protest organizers now imprisoned on terrorism charges.

Finally, bringing about change through the ballot box is not really an option. Given that 99.6 percent of the parliamentary seats in the 2010 election went to the ruling party and that the political space has shrunk dramatically since then, there is little in the way of a viable opposition that can raise questions about government policy, including development plans, or other sensitive topics.

This situation leaves Ethiopians no real means to express concerns over the policies and development strategies imposed by the government. They either accept it, they face threats and imprisonment for speaking out, or they flee their country as thousands have done. The refugee communities in countries neighboring Ethiopia are full of individuals who have tried to raise concerns in all of these ways, and are now in exile.

To conclude, we all recognize that Ethiopia needs and requires development. The problem is how development is being undertaken. Development projects need to respect the rights of the local communities and improve their quality of life, regardless of ethnicity or political perspective. The United States and Ethiopia’s other major partners can and should play a leading role in supporting sustainable, rights-respecting development. The US should not accept arguments that protecting human rights is in contradiction to development goals and implementation.

In 2014, the appropriations bill required the US to scrutinize and suspend funding for development programs in Ethiopia that might contribute to forced evictions in Ethiopia, including in Gambella and Omo. This was an important signal that the abuses taking place were unacceptable, and this should be maintained in the upcoming FY15 appropriations bill, whether it is a stand-alone bill or a continuing resolution.

As one of Ethiopia’s key partners and supporters of Ethiopia’s development, the US needs to do more to ensure it is rigorously monitoring and consistently responding to human rights abuses in Ethiopia, both bilaterally and multilaterally. The US should be pressing the Ethiopian government to ensure that there is genuine consultation on development initiatives with affected communities, that more robust monitoring is put in place to monitor for potential abuses within programs, and that independent civil society, both domestic and foreign, are able to monitor and report on rights abuses. Respect for human rights is first and foremost a concern of all Ethiopians, but it is also central to all US interests in Ethiopia, from security to good governance to sustainable development.

The Ethiopian army is crucial for change in Ethiopia

November 6, 2014

by Tedla Asfaw

I just finished reading Dr. Aklog Birara’s recent piece posted here. It is also posted on many websites worth reading it.

I agree with his opinion of the “opposition” in being fragmented and thus hurt the cause of the struggle for freedom and justice.

I would like also to add considering the army as “Woyane Army” and categorizing it as the enemy hurt the struggle for freedom and justice too.

The generals in the army almost Tigreans are filthy rich while the rank and file multi ethnic is not better than the majority of Ethiopians. However, the propaganda emanating from the opposition medias help the regime by alienating the poor soldiers and officers from the masses.

Mass revolt like the one we witnessed this month in Burkina Fasso can happen in Ethiopia any time without any warning. The opposition medias should better correct their flaws by bringing the rank and file of the Ethiopian army with the masses, inform them no reason to defend those in power who enrich themselves at the expense of the masses including themselves. Ethiopian army are defenders of the masses and Ethiopia. That should be the propaganda line coming out of the diaspora medias.

United opposition with the dissatisfied Ethiopian army can bring hope for our country. Without the army participation in our struggle whatever revolt is coming certainly will not bring a regime change in Ethiopia. USA and UK trained officers of the Ethiopian army who see the suffering of their people should play a transitional role for future change in Ethiopia. The 1974 Ethiopian “Abyot” is our recent history to look back and learn from it.