Friday, February 28, 2014

ታላቅ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ በኦስሎ ኖርዌይ ተደረገ

ታላቅ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ በኦስሎ  ኖርዌይ  ተደረገ

በዛሬው እልት  በኦስሎ  ኖርዌይ  የሀገራችንን ድንበር ለሱዳን አሳልፎ የሰጠውን  የወያኔን መንግስት በመቃወም እንዲሁም  ረዳት አብራሪ ሀይለመድህን አበራን ለዘረኛውና ለአምባገነኑ የወያኔ መንግስት  ተላልፎ እንዳይሰጥ ህጋዊ ከለላም እንዲያገኝ ድጋፍ ለማሳይት ታስቦ በኖርዌይ ኦስሎ በሚገኘው የሲውስ ኤምባሲ  ታላቅ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ተደረገ ።

በእለቱ የነበሩትን የህዝቡን ስሜትና  አንዳንድ ኣስተያየቶችን በዚህ  መልኩ አዘጋጅቼላችኋለሁ  ቪዲዮውን ይመልከቱ

Ethiopians in Norway held demonstration [Video]

The Co-Pilot need protection! Ethiopians in Norway held demonstration [Video]
Nebiyou Alemayehu (oslo)
February 28, 2014

Ethiopians in Norway, Bern held demonstration to ask the Switzerland government grant asylum to the Ethiopian Airlines Co-pilot Hailemedehin Abera who took the Ethiopian Airlines plane Boeing 767 to Switzerland and landed peacefully. The protesters shouted “Hailemedehin Need Protection !”

Monday, February 24, 2014



  • A young man just shoot and killed himself on Bole road near Millennium hall today at noon. የ24 ዓመቱ ወጣት ለስራ በተሰጠው መሳሪያ ቦሌ መንገድ ላይ ራሱን አጠፋ፡፡
    በርሱፈቃድ በጋሻው ተሾመ የተባለው የ24 አመት ወጣት ቦሌ ሚሊኒየም አዳራሽ አካባቢ በሚገኘው የህብረት ባንክ በጥበቃ ሰራተኝነት ለአንድ ወር ሲሰራ የቆየ ሲሆን ዛሬ 6 ሰዓት አካባቢ ባንኩ ለጥበቃ በሰጠው ጠመንጃ ሶስት ግዜ በመተኮስ ነው ራሱን ያጠፋው፡፡
    በአካባቢው የነበሩ የአይን እማኞች ሟቹ ሁለት ግዜ በአገጩ ስር ተኩሶ ራሱን ከሳተ በኋላ በሶስተኛው ጥይት ጭንቅላቱን መትቶ ራሱን ሲያጠፋ ማየታቸውን ተናግረዋል፡፡
    የሟች ባልደረቦች እንደሚሉት ከሆነ ሟች በጠዋት ወደስራ ሲመጣ አይኑ ቀልቶ እና የተረበሸ ይመስል እንደነበር እንዲሁም ‹‹በተደጋጋሚም ክርስቶስ አይወደኝም ›› ሲል እንደተሰማ ተናግረዋል፡፡

Sunday, February 16, 2014

WE NEED FREEDOM AND JUSTICE IN ETHIOPIA: የማፊያ ከበርቴዎች በኢትዮጵያ

WE NEED FREEDOM AND JUSTICE IN ETHIOPIA: የማፊያ ከበርቴዎች በኢትዮጵያ: ነብዩ አለማየሁ ቢል ጌስት  ማይክል ሬል  ማርክ ኩከበርግ በአልማችንየቢዝነስ ታሪክ በጭንቅላታቸው ፈጥረው      በጭንቅላታቸው ሀብታም የሆኑ የቢዝነስ ሰዎች ናቸው። አስተውላችሁ እንደሆነ  forbudt መፅሄ...

የማፊያ ከበርቴዎች በኢትዮጵያ

ነብዩ አለማየሁ

ቢል ጌት ስ  ማይክል ዴል  ማርክ ዙከርበርግ በአልማችንየቢዝነስ ታሪክ በጭንቅላታቸው ፈጥረው      በጭንቅላታቸው ሀብታም የሆኑ የቢዝነስ ሰዎች ናቸው። አስተውላችሁ እንደሆነ  Forbus መፅሄት የአለማችንን ሀብታሞችዝርዝር ሲያወጣ አብሮ የሚወጣ የገንዘቡን  ምንጭና ድርጅት አለ 
ይህንን ሁሉ ያነሳሁት በዚሁ እይታ የሀገራችንን ቢዝንስ እንድናስተውለው ብዬ ነው።
                በኢትዮጵያ አንድ ግለሰብ ወይም  company  ቢዝነሱ የሚሳካው  ወይ ካጭበረበረ ወይም  መንግስት አካባቢ ሰው ካለ  ወይም ጉቦ ከሰጠ ነው።ለነገሩ ዋና ዋናው ቢዝነስ የተያዘው  በህውሀት ሰዎችና ጀሌዎቻቸው ነው። በሌላው ሀገር ተራውን ህዝብ  መንግስት የሚያገለግለው  በታላላቅ የንግድ ተቑማት ላይ ጠቀም ያለ ታክስ በመጣል ነው። እኛ ሀገር ግን በርካታ ከገዢውፓርቲ ጋር  ግንኙነት  ያላቸው በጣም አነስተኛ ታክስ የሚከፍሉና ጭራሽ የማይክፍሉም  ሞልትዋል።
          ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ  በትክክለኛው መንገድ ታክስ የሚከፍለው የመንግስት ሰራተኛ ብቻ ነው። የኑሮ ጫና ግራ ያጋባው አነስተኛ ገቢ የሚያገኘው በስግብግብ ነጋዴዎች ገንዘብ የሚዘረፈው ሀይ ባይ መንግስት ያጣው ይህው የህብረተሰብ ክፍል ነው። በጣም የሚገርመው  መንግስት በተለያዩ ነገሮች መዋጮ ሲፈልግ እፋጦ የሚቀበለው ይህንኑ የህብረተሰብ ክፍል ነው።  ይህ የህብረተሰብ ክፍል የበይ ተመልካች ሆኖ  ኑሮውን  መግፋት የለበትም በቃ ማለት  አለበት  ።ምክንያቱም ቅኝ መገዛት ከዚ በምን ይለያል።
        የወያኔ መንግስት የሀገሪቱን  የንግድ ህግ እንዳሻው እየለዋወጠ በሀገሪቱ በሌሎች ግለሰቦችና ድርጅቶች የተያዘውን ቢዝነስ በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ የራሱ እያረገ ለ23 ዓመት ዘልቋል። ወያኔ እንደመንግስት  የማያሰራ የንግድ ፍሰት የሚያሰራ የቢዝነስ ህግ በማውጣትና በመተግበር ፈንታ እንደተራ ማፊያ  ሆኖ  ነጋዴዎችንና የቢዝንስ ሰዎችን በማዳከም የራሱን ኤፈርት የተባለ የማይጠረቃ  ድርጅቱን ያጠናክራል። ለምሳሌ በቅርብ ጊዜ ውዲህ የሃገር ውስጥ አስመጪዎችን ናላ አያዞረ ያልው የውጭ ምንዛሬ እጥረት የሃገሪቱን የንግድ ስርአት አደጋ ውስጥ  ሲጥለው  የህውሀት አባሎችና  ጀሌዎቻቸው ግን ባንኮችን እንደ ግል ካዝናቸው ይጠቀማሉ።  በጣም የሚገርመው ደግሞ በብዙ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ነጋዴዎች አሰልቺ በሆነው የውጭ ምንዛሬ ወረፋ ለወራት ሲጉላሉ የባንኮች ገዥ ተብልው የሚሾሙት የህውሀት አሻንጉሊቶች  በቲቪ እየቀረቡ የውጭ ምንዛሬ ሞልቶ ተርፉል ይላሉ።
              ከሁሉም በላይ እጅግ በጣም የሚያስገርመው ደግሞ  የዚህ የንግድ ጉዳት    በሀገር ኢኮኖሚ እድገት ላይ የሚያመጣውን  አደጋ ዞር ብለው ማስተዋል አለመቻላቸው ነው ። በቅርብ ጊዜ እንደሰማነው የህውሀት ማፊያ  መንግስት ሲያያቸው ያላማሩትንና  የወያኔ አባላት ያልሆኑትን በርካታ ድርጅቶች ታክስ አጭበርብራቹሀል ብሎ ሲከሳቸው ሰምተናል ሲጀመር ወያኔ ድርጅቶችን በታክስም ሆነ  በአንፃር ህግ በመጣስ የመክሰስ የሞራል ሆነ የህሊና ብቃት የለውም።  በርካታ የህውሀትና የጀሌዎቻቸው ድርጅቶች ታክስ በማጭበርበር ና ማሀበረሰቡን የሚጎዱ ምርቶችን ለገበያ እንደሚያቀርቡ እናቃለን። ለአብነት ያሀል ከወራት በፊት እንድ የህውሀት  ጀሌ የባሀር ዳሩን ጊዎን ሆቴል  በጥቂት ሺ ብሮች ኪራይ  የግሉ እንዳረገው ሰምተን አዝነናል።
ህውሀት ወያኔ በየትኛውም መልኩ ቢሆን የሀገር መምራት ብቃት የሌለው የወንበዴዎች  ስብስብ ነው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ይህንን  የወንበዴዎች  ስብስብ የባሰ ችግር ውስጥ ሳይከተው ልጅ አዋቂ ሳይል ሆ ብሎ ተነስቶ  ማስወገድ አልበት።
          ሞት ለአምባገነኖች  ኢትዮጵያችን ለዘላለም በክብር ትኑር !!!!!!

Friday, February 14, 2014

Mr.Obang Metho’s speech in oslo norway

Ethiopian Community in Norway Fundraising for Ethiopian migrants displaced from Saudi Arabia feb/09/2014

Mr.Obang Metho’s speech in oslo norway is widely recognized as a campaigner against ethnic division under the motto:“Humanity before ethnicity”and “no one is free until all are free”;breaking down some barriers to bringing people together for a better shared future.
                                         
                                                           watch this video 
                                          camera & editing Nebiyou Alemayehu(oslo)


The Discussion on the Review of Dr. Berhanu’s Book and My Impression


by T.Goshu
I watched the discussion (review) on Dr. Brehanu Nega’s Book, “Democracy and All-round Development in Ethiopia” (Democracy enna Hulentenawi Limat Ba’-Ethiopia) published in 2013. The discussion (the review) was conducted by ESAT on its Program “Ethiopia Nege” on February 7, 2014. Although the host of the program, Ato Gizaw had the difficulty of how to handle the conversation that sounded derailing from its very clear and specific subject matter, he deserves due appreciation for trying to keep the discussion in its right track. The participants were: Dr. Berhanu, explaining the very aim of his book on one side; and Dr.Tesfaye Demelash and Ato Berhane Mewa as critics of the book on the other side.Dr. Brehanu Nega’s Book, “Democracy and All-round Development in Ethiopia
As one of those who read the book with sincere interest, I was also one of those who watched the review discussion with great interest and sincere attention. I had to go back and watch it for a couple of times to make sure that I could grasp the very essence (specific objective) of the discussion and to make sure that I could have the right impression, not wrong perception . Has the discussion turned-out to be as inspiring as it should have been? To my understanding, it hasn’t. Why not? I will come back to that.
Let me first say that I found the discussion encouraging and interesting from the following perspectives in general: 1) Dr. Berhanu has easily and wisely handled his explanation and he showed a typically good example as far as how to deal with a conversation that sounded difficult is concerned. 2) And I also think that with all the weaknesses of their arguments, the critics (Dr. Tesfaye and Ato Berahne) deserve appreciation for coming forward with their view points about the book. I want to say that some of their concerns sounded genuine and should be treated accordingly.
As one of those readers of the book, I have tried my best to get a real sense of understanding about the very purpose of the author, and weather that purpose is well-reflected in the very content of the book. To my understanding, the very specific aim of the book is not to deal with a very comprehensive approach to all the political, economic and cultural history of our country together with what we seriously are lacking in the current political, socio-economic and environmental aspects of our lives. I do not think there is a problem of clarity and simplicity of the book as far as aiming at contributing to the dialogue on the ongoing political struggle is concerned. In other words, the author expresses his views and ideas on the question of what does good governance (good political and economic system) mean in a very clear and concise manner. This very critical question has been fairly dealt with throughout   the five chapters of the book: (1) The core criteria for good political system (justice, peace and security, economic opportunities for all citizens and the peaceful transfer of power through democratic election)(2)  The challenges related with our political history that we may face in the process of bringing about a desired system (undesirable elements of our history (scars),  highly skewed growth/development, the politics of identity, impacts of religious conflicts , the problem of our perception about justice) (3) Good economic system( the fulfilment of basic interest of citizens, economic growth /development , fair and just distribution of wealth, the opportunity to use/utilize the potentialities of the people ) (4)The  Structural challenges/problems we face to have in the process of building good economic system ( The impacts and difficult choices due to abject poverty, the negative consequence of unfair level of playing field of the economy, the question of how to balance the conflict between the search for growth/development on the one hand  and our culture and  our lifestyle on the other hand, the conflicts that may arise in the process of building justice ,history and good economy ) (5)Environmental conservation ( the current status of environmental conservation and its consequences if we ignore it  , the population growth and the challenges and  the pressure they put on us, the political and social troubles  that could be caused by the problem of environmental conservation and population growth).
In his conclusion, the author has clearly informed his readers that part two of his work will be dealing with the issues of bringing about genuine democratic political system in our country as a necessity, not as a choice.   In other words, he clearly states that his second part tries to make its own contribution to show some problem – solving steps that revolve around the imperativeness of establishing democratic political system in our country. That is my understanding and impression with regard to the whole purpose of the author. I want to make clear that I am not saying that the author should not be challenged and criticized .I strongly believe that this kind of thinking (leave me alone or leave him/her alone attitude) is not only nonsensical but absolutely wrong. What I am trying to say is that the way we criticize and challenge the work of any author should be with a certain level of rationality, clarity and genuineness. Because that is the way we can develop critical, rational/objective, constructive and forward-looking way of thinning if we want to bring about the change we desperately aspire.
To my understanding, this first part of Dr. Berhanu’s book deals with the very first question we encounter: what is terribly missing in the current political arena of our country?  It is beyond any doubt that what is terribly missing is good governance (political freedom, rule of law, socio-economic development and fair and balanced distribution of wealth). And the next logical and critical question will be what is be done (solution)? Needless to say, the only way is to get rid of a political system that is the very root cause for what is terribly missing and replace it with a genuine democratic system that should essentially be responsible to the people and accountable for any action that is against the will and interest of the people. And that was and is my understanding of the book and of what I listened to Dr. Berhanu had to say during the discussion on his book review.
Now, let me come back to my observation / impression about the two critics of the review, Dr. Tesfaye Demelash and Ato Berhane Mewa. Both of them stated that the book deserves due recognition for raising very important issues. And that is appreciable.
1. Ato Berhane’s recommendation to those who might not read the book to read it is genuinely constructive. Yes, he was right that it is one thing to go through the review; but it is quite another thing to read and try to comprehend the whole text, and to develop it with more insightful ideas. The problem I have with his critic is related with making very general statements or lack of clarity and specificity. Let me mention some of the difficulties I had to understand his argument:
A. He argued that he believes that there is kind of gap. He tried to explain this statement by saying that the equation should include the geopolitics of the sub region, the Nile issue, the danger from external (the surrounding actors) and the issue of globalization which dictates domestic issues. Of course, all these factors should be taken into account whenever we deal with the political challenges we face domestically.  The problem is that he could not clarify why and how all these elements (factors) are directly related to the book which deals with a very specific aim, what we are seriously missing in our current political system? I do not know what was the problem to stay focused on the issues of which the book tries to deal with; the question of what went wrong and is going wrong as far as the absence of universal values of democratic political system are concerned. Is it not a very bitter truth that we continue to suffer from all kinds of crises mainly because of the absence of a democratically representative government?
B. He complained that the book mainly focuses on current issues.  Yes, it does. But that focus is based on a strong political argument that the very reason why we continue to suffer is nothing, but because of the total non-existence of a political system that promotes and protects the very interests of the country and her people.
C. I really did not understand his complaint of “In the past it was socialism; now we are talking about democracy.” If it is to mean that Dr. Berhanu’s book and argument is just simply the theorization of democratic values and principles, I do not think that is a well-substantiated and clarified argument because conceptual analysis based on a given political practice such as ours is an essential part of a struggle in a democratic process.
D. We have to talk about why we need democracy before we talk about it was another point of argument. He farther stated that he question of accepting or not democracy is up to the people. I do not know how we should have a discussion on the question why we need something without understanding what we really need. It does not sound a logically meaningful reasoning.
E. I really did not understand the argument of “first being tolerant and listen to each other, and thereafter democracy will follow.” I think the very content of the book and the way the author explained has neither excluded nor undermined the value of tolerance and the importance of listening to each other.
To sum up, I do not want to question the genuine concerns of Ato Berehane Mewa about his country and his aspiration for the realization of a genuine democratic system in which all citizens could live in peace, freedom, equality and shared prosperity. But, I have to say that the way he argued in this particular discussion of book review suffered from lack of clarity and staying focused on the very subject matter under discussion.
2. Dr. Tesfaye’s argument is not very different from Ato Brhane‘s.  I read the six pages of his article titled “Solving the Tension of a Country within a Country themselves /Yageren Wutret Beager Mefitat” (I think it means by the people themselves), and I listened to his view points during the discussion on the review. As I understood it, the article is the detail description of his argument he made during the discussion. Here are some of them and the comment I want to make on them:
A. Dr. Tesfaye mentioned repeatedly Eritrea in his argument on the very influence of external factors. No doubt that the Ethio-Eritrean issue matters a lot to our domestic security and stability. It goes without saying that it is a foreign policy that is formulated and implemented in line with the very domestic policy (of national interest) that can bring a meaningful peace/stability, security and development in Ethiopia as well as in the sub region. I think what Dr. Berhanu wants to show is that the very indispensable or determinant  factor in dealing with all issues that matters to the fulfillment of national interest is nothing, but essentially  the existence of a democratic/ truly representative government in our country. So, the very question I want to pose to both critics (Dr. Tesfaye and Ato Berhane) is: Are we arguing that the very purpose(content) of Dr. Barhanu’s book and his explanation is incomplete because it does not deal with foreign policy, or what? I am not saying their concern about external factor (geopolitics) does not sound great. Absolutely not! What I am saying is that trying to argue that the book should have included foreign policy issues (external state and non-state actors) does not sound strong as far as the very specific aim of the book is concerned.
B. Let me add just one passing remark on the questioning of the independence of Eritrea. Dr. Tesfaye expressed his difficulty of accepting Eritrea as a country in his article when he questions, “If Eritrea is said to be a country?” Well, I am one of those Ethiopians who consider the separation of Eritrea from Ethiopia using all highly falsified political games was one of very unfortunate chapters of our political history.    But, I do not think being denial of what has already become a reality (the internationally recognized Eretria) is the right thing to do as far as the imperative of dealing with the issue of how to make things that has gone wrong right is concerned. And this kind of attitude of denial becomes difficult to comprehend when it comes from well-educated people such as Dr. Tesfaye.  I strongly believe that we have to accept the already given reality and deal with it accordingly. Simply put, we need to work hard how to bring a situation where the two countries could move in a direction of  confidence building and subsequently making some sort of economic and political cooperation even to the extent of an arrangement of confederation and so no and so forth. The political culture of denial and   avoidance will never serve any desirable purpose. What kind of government or political system is required for this very huge and challenging responsibility? There is no doubt that it is only a political system that should be led by an appropriately structured and democratically representative government. And that has to be our focal point if we are serious enough about designing the way out from the very ugly political vicious circle we found ourselves.
C. Dr. Tesfaye tried to make kind of comparative politics of the French revolution and the 1970s of ours. He characterized ours as a left –wing movement started by students and now ended up with the so-called democratic revolution of TPLF. Well, leaving the question of whether the comparison is appropriate or not aside, I want to say that the way Dr. Tesfaye and so many other scholars for that matter look at the 1970s revolution sounds highly generalized and subsequently misleading. Dr. Tesfaye says, “Our revolution was started with a derailed left- wing student movement …. / Yegna abyot ferun belekeke Yetemarewoch gira-kinif enkiskasie tejemiro….”  It is one thing to simply be critical of the past wrong doings/mistakes; but it is quite another thing to rationally/objectively be critical and come up with ideas of how we should make things right and move forward. I do not know when and how we have to get out of the politics of simply blaming what went wrong in the past. I do not really understand why and how we look at the political event that took place forty years ago as the result of the then international and domestic political circumstances from our perspective of the this 21st century and blame the generation.
D. Dr. Tesfaye complains both in the review discussion and in his article about the “emptiness of concepts such as of democracy, rule of law, liberty, equality, constitution, and …..” I do not think it is arguable that that all governments including the most brutal ones preach about those very values and principles of democracy.  The question is how we should respond to these kinds of terribly hypocritical, if not deadly cynical political games.  To my understanding, the works of intellectuals such as Dr. Brhanu’s give valuable insights in this regard. So, let’s not mainly stay on leaning on what happened in the past and complain about the tyrannical ruling groups such as TPLF/EPRDF who terribly abuse their political power in the name of democracy and national security    . Let’s employ our energy and time mainly on strategic ideas and feasible ways and means that could help shorten the continuation of mere political gangsterism. That is why I do not think that criticizing Dr. Behanu’s approach as too much focus on the current challenges we are facing does sound convincing.
E. He tried to justify one of his points of critic by stating that it is not good to have “over-exaggerated concern as Ethiopiawinet is not merely the total sum of problems.” He put his argument in the form of question, “Is there no an opportunity other than problems?” And he tries to answer the question by stating that “this kind of thinking is not good to psychology.” Well, that is true. But, all these points of argument boils down to one and only one issue, the absence of practical democratic principles and values .  He says we (Ethiopians) have both national and cultural experiences that should be taken account. True. But, on the other hand, somewhere down in his article, he states that, “Our common national survival (lives) and Ethiopiawinetachin is at the cross-road, the direction of survival or death.” That is exactly the very concern expressed in Dr. Berhanu’s book. Well, his article of six pages (in Amharic) posted on Ethiomedia tries to raise and discuss many issues of concern and that is greatly appreciable. However, as it is true to most of our intellectuals, it is heavily over dominated with background information and description of problems and blaming external actors (Eritrea), the ruling party of Ethiopia (TPLF)  and “opposition forces which are being used by both parties as agents of proxy war” without referring who is who. I did not observe any substantive recommendation on the question of what is the way out.
Let me conclude my observation by saying that although expressing our views and concerns in any way we believe in should be valued , I have an impression that we most of us still are  in short of   engaging ourselves in ideas and forward –looking recommendations.  And I hope we will move towards that direction!

Tuesday, February 11, 2014

A Glimpse of the Creeping Famine in Ethiopia – By Alemayehu G. Mariam


Behold the rider of the Black Horse (famine) eyeing Ethiopia once again

[Ethiopia] is the face of the world food crises. In a village in Southern Ethiopia, mothers cue with their malnourished children for emergency rations of food. They can’t afford to feed their babies and now it seems neither can the outside world. The distended stomachs, a symptom of the hunger so many here are suffering after two poor harvests in a row, and there are more new cases everyday… They were given food rations ten days ago… The government reserves ran out long ago, and now the U.N. supply is thinning too. They were given food rations 10 days ago… These people get a monthly handout; July’s [2013] was cut by a third. The rising price of grain worldwide means an extra one hundred million pounds need to be raised just to keep this up… 400 miles north near the Somali border, we found a changed landscape but the same crises and the rains are late here too and half the population needs food aid… They have been given a stark option [by regime representative Omar Abdi] ‘I have two options for them: to die or do the land.’ But across this country just now outside help is keeping millions alive. Malnutrition figures continue to rise and show no signs of slowing. This global food crises may be raising food bills in the West but the people here [in Ethiopia] are paying a far higher price.
Rang the alarm bell on the looming famine
In October 2012, I rang the alarm bell in my commentary “Ethiopia: An Early Warning of a Famine in 2013”. I claim no special knowledge or expertise in the economics of famine. However, by carefully piecing data, analyses and findings  from various sources including the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), Oxfam, the U.N. World Food Programme, the U.N. Food and Agricultural Organization and reports of the New England Complex Systems Institute, [NECSI] (a group of academics from Harvard and MIT who specialize in predicting how changes in environment can lead to political instability and upheavals), it became clear to me that 2013 was likely to be the threshold year for the onset of famine or “catastrophic food crises”, as they euphemistically call it, in Ethiopia.
By late 2012, there was general consensus that reductions in the exports of grains from producing countries could trigger increased prices on the global commodities markets in 2013. I demanded to know how the “government of PM Hailemariam Desalegn expected to deal with the effects of the inevitable global food crises in light of its depleted foreign reserves and how his government will avert potentially catastrophic famine in the country.” I warned, “Planning to panhandle more emergency food aid simply won’t cut it. Relying on ‘Productive Safety Nets Programmes’ simply won’t do it. If the government of PM Hailemariam Desalegn cannot come up with a better answer or alternative to the looming famine over the horizon, it should be prepared to face not only a hungry population but also an angry one!”
For the past year, neither Hailemariam nor his puppet masters have done anything demonstrably constructive to deal with the “looming famine”. As usual, they are sitting around twiddling their thumbs and swatting flies waiting for American taxpayers to bail them out for the umpteenth time. There is a joke going around about the time Hailemariam was asked if he was worried about the poor rains and looming famine in Ethiopia. “We are not worried about the rains in Ethiopia; we are worried about the rains in America and Canada.” In February 2014, Hailemariam and Co. are polishing off their begging bowls to make a beeline to the U.S. and Canadian embassies to do their annual panhandling rounds.
In 2011, when Hailemariam was a “foreign and deputy prime minster” he was cocksure that his regime could lick famine and take a big bite out of poverty in no time. In an interview with  Africa Confidential, Hailemariam boasted, “For the last seven years, Ethiopia has witnessed double digit growth and this is a sign that our economic policy is working very well. If we continue this pace of development, we can double our economy in the next five years. This means that we will double our income for our community and so we will reduce poverty by 50%.” Hailemariam’s predecessor, the late imperious Meles Zenawi, “in his first press conference in Addis Ababa [over two decades ago], in reply to a question about his goals, declared that he would consider his government a success if Ethiopians were able to eat three meals a day.” (See video here.) In 2011, Meles pompously declared, “We have devised a plan which will enable us to produce surplus and be able to feed ourselves by 2015 without the need for food aid.”
“Three meals a day” in 2014 is pie in the sky for the vast majority of Ethiopians; and there is no chance that Ethiopia will feed itself “without the need for food aid” by 2015 as Meles “devised”. In fact, Ethiopia today is 123 out of 125 worst fed countries in the world. According to a new Oxfam food database “while the Netherlands ranks number one in the world for having the most plentiful, nutritious, healthy and affordable diet, Chad is last on 125th behind Ethiopia and Angola.”
The tragic irony is that as millions of Ethiopians starve, Saudi Arabian, Indian agribusinesses commercially farm Ethiopia’s most fertile lands to export food to their countries and China stealthily implements its plans for the penetration of Ethiopia’s agricultural sector. What a doggone crying shame! So much for “double digit growth”, “doubling the economy”, “surplus production” and “three meals a day”!
Uncovering the hidden famine in Ethiopia
Over the past few years, I have written over a dozen commentaries specifically on famine in Ethiopia or other related matters (see footnote in link). I have railed time and again against official secrecy in keeping famine stricken areas off limits to international and local journalists as tens of thousands die or suffer excruciating physical pain from food deprivation. The Meles/Hailemariam regimes have followed their predecessors lockstep in keeping famines secret. H.I.M. Haile Selassie in 1974 pretended there was no famine until the documentary the “Hidden Hunger” by Jonathan Dimbleby was aired provoking  shock and anger among Ethiopians. Former junta leader Mengistu Hailemariam was arrogantly dismissive during the 1984-85 famine. He casually asked, “What famine?” Meles, Hailemariam and those behind Hailemariam’s wooden throne today are far more cunning. Their solution is 1) to clampdown on the local press and shut the country down to all foreign journalists and media representatives who are interested in reporting on the impending humanitarian disaster, and 2) stand outside Western embassies with their shiny begging bowls.
It is interesting to note that the imperial government, the Derg junta and the current regime, like Nero who played his violin as Rome burned, continued their extravagant lifestyles as millions of Ethiopians starved. In 1974, before the overthrow of H.I.M. Haile Selassie, the Derg televised documentaries showing the excesses of the royal family as they fed their pets expensive morsels of meat and enjoying supposedly fancy imported cakes from Europe while tens of thousands died from famine in the northern part of the country. In 1984, on the tenth anniversary of the Derg’s seizure of power, the haughty soldiers let the champagne and whiskey flow like a river stream. Tens of thousands also died in the great famine of 1984.
In 2014, the situation is far worse. Those in power, their relatives, cronies, partners and cadres are spending tens of thousands of dollars on exclusive designer clothes, shoes, handbags and perfumes, hundreds of thousands of dollars on fancy cars and sports utility vehicles and living in multi-million dollar mansions furnished with the most expensive European furniture and kitchen appliances. They are stashing billions of dollars in foreign banks and secret investment schemes as documented in a report of Global Financial Integrity. In 2014, millions of Ethiopians are doomed to famine. Such is the sad but true story of Ethiopia today. By intimidating the press, the regime in power in Ethiopia has managed to maintain a complete news blackout on Ethiopia’s hidden famine. Thanks to the courageous Martin Geissler, ITN and NBC, we now have a glimpse of the human catastrophe that is taking shape.
The international conspiracy to keep Ethiopia’s hidden famines hidden
For over two decades, there has been a well-orchestrated conspiracy of silence between the regime in Ethiopia and the international donors, aid experts, international bureaucrats and NGOs not to use the dreaded “F” word in Ethiopia. They have gone to great lengths to hide the human face of famine by masking the truth with bureaucratic doublespeak and media newspeak. They talk about stages of “food insecurity”. Hungry and starving people are said to experience “acute food insecurity”, face “stressed” food situations, go into “crises” mode, graduate to “emergency” status and in the last stage undergo “catastrophic” food shortages. Nowhere  will they mention the word “famine” or “starvation”.
There is a reason why the word “famine” is banned among the hordes of international poverty pimps and the regime in Ethiopia. Famine conjures  up images of hordes of skeletal Ethiopians walking across the parched landscape, curled up corpses of famine victims under acacia trees and fly-infested children with distended bellies clutching their mothers at feeding camps. Geissler’s report last week does not show curled up corpses, but his video shows children with distended bellies clutching their mothers who are woefully resigned to the fact that their children will be dead in a day or two.
Talking about famine in Ethiopia openly is dangerous to the donor/NGO communities and the ruling regime because it portends political upheavals. In their analysis of recurrent famines in Ethiopia, Professors Angela Raven-Roberts and Sue Lautze noted, “Declaring a famine was also a complicated question for the Ethiopian government. Famines have contributed to the downfall of Ethiopian regimes… Some humanitarian practitioners gauge their successes, in part, according to ‘famines averted’.”
The conspiracy of silence serves the interest of all involved in dealing with the problem of famine in Ethiopia. To acknowledge the existence of famine by the regime, donors, NGOs and aid bureaucrats is tantamount to pointing an accusatory finger at oneself. If there is famine, it is proof positive that the donors who dumped millions of dollars in food aid, the NGOs involved in the distribution line and the highly overpaid international aid bureaucrats have failed. They have failed to produce a workable plan for food self-sufficiency in Ethiopia despite billions in aid. They have also failed to use their leverage against the regime in Ethiopia to deal with the famine bull by the horn.
The ruling regime in Ethiopia would rather have its tongue cut out than utter the word “famine”. For instance, in January 2010, Mitiku Kassa, Meles Zenawi’s agriculture minister declared, “In the Ethiopian context, there is no hunger, no famine… It is baseless [to claim hunger or famine], it is contrary to the situation on the ground. It is not evidence-based. The government is taking action to mitigate the problems.” Meles was equally dismissive: “Famine has wreaked havoc in Ethiopia for so long, it would be stupid not to be sensitive to the risk of such things occurring. But there has not been a famine on our watch — emergencies, but no famines.” No famines. No political prisoners. No human rights violations. No dictatorship. No problems!
But the conspiracy to deny the existence of famine in Ethiopia implicates the U.S. itself. In 2004, President George W. Bush “challenged his administration to ensure that famines were avoided during his tenure, a policy known as ‘No Famine on My Watch’; declaring the existence of a famine could be seen as a political shortcoming and, therefore, a political vulnerability.” The one exception to the official embargo on the use of the word “famine” is Wolfgang Fengler, a lead economist for the World Bank, who on August 17, 2011, definitively declared, “This [famine] crisis [in Ethiopia] is manmade. Droughts have occurred over and again, but you need bad policymaking for that to lead to a famine.” In other words, the fundamental problem with famine in Ethiopia is poor governance, not drought; incompetent and indifferent governance, not environmental factors. The recurrent famines in Ethiopia are manmade; that is, they are “made” by corrupt, indifferent,  incompetent and clueless regimes that lack political will to deal with the recurrent problem. Those in positions of power in Ethiopia have a petrified “bush mentality” impervious to rational planning and policymaking.
The ruling regime in Ethiopia blames “drought” for the deaths and suffering of millions of Ethiopians year after year. Yet that ne’er-do-well regime has done next to nothing to deal with the underlying problems aggravating the conditions leading to endlessly recurrent famines (see my July 2010 commentary “Apocalypse Now or in 40 Years?”). They have done nothing meaningful to control the country’s high population growth and food prices, improve environmental degradation and low agricultural productivity caused by state ownership of land and subsistence farming on fragmented small plots and have yet to undertake comprehensive agricultural planning. The regime’s solution has been to give away the most arable land in the country to so-called international investors who “lease” the land for commercial agriculture and exports to their home countries or for sale on the international market while Ethiopians starve. Hailemariam believes Saudi and Indian land grabs will transform Ethiopian agriculture. He recently told the New African, “We have subsistence agriculture and that’s now changing into commercial agriculture.”
The moral hazard of U.S. food aid to Ethiopia
There is a mindboggling irony and disconnect in U.S. food aid to Ethiopia. Every year for decades, the U.S. has provided food aid to Ethiopia with certain knowledge that it will be providing food aid again to the very same people year after year.  Except for feel-good-we-are-doing-something show and tell projects like “productive safety nets programmes” (which the ruling regime uses to extort political support from rural farmers and residents), the U.S. has imposed few conditions on the regime to deal with the famine problem. Yet millions of Ethiopians are in dire straits year after year; and millions of American tax dollars targeted for famine relief are lost to fraud, abuse and waste.
The fact of the problem is that U.S. food aid policy itself must be scrutinized to determine the extent to which it has contributed to keeping starving Ethiopians teetering on the edge of catastrophe. As Paul Hebert, the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Ethiopia recently observed, “The problem we face [in Ethiopia] is that more and more people are living on the edge… It doesn’t take very much to push them over that edge. The fear is that if we do have another large drought in this country and we haven’t made significant progress in addressing the chronic food security that could set things back significantly. Because of the precariousness of many people, you can easily slip into a very serious famine situation.”
Is the U.S. a silent accomplice watching on the sidelines as millions of Ethiopians living on the edge slide off the edge? As the recent NBC report documented, several millions of Ethiopians in the southern Ethiopia’s Somali and Oromiya regions are today facing “catastrophic severe food shortages”, commonly known as famine. Other areas expected to experience famine-like conditions in 2014  include northeastern Amhara and eastern and southern Tigray regions and the lowlands of East Hararghe Zone in Oromia. Between 12-20 million Ethiopians are estimated to be “living on the edge”; it will not take much to push them over the edge into full-fledged famine. Is the U.S. a silent accomplice?
The regime’s old panhandling tricks to hustle hundreds of millions of dollars in annual American taxpayer handouts may have already come to an end. U.S. Food for Peace contributions have been on steep decline for the past several years: 451.7million (2010); $313.3million (2011); $306.6million (2012); $235.5million (2013) and $86.9million for 2014. If Hailemariam and Co., believe they can wing the current “food crises” or solve Ethiopia’s “chronic food shortages” by panhandling the U.S. as usual, they had better think again. It seems even Obama now wants to see a change in the fraud, waste and abuse of U.S. food aid in countries like Ethiopia. Donor fatigue is spreading and setting hard throughout America, particularly outside the Washington beltway. Hailemariam and his puppet master should take note of that.
Annual harvest of famine: The fierce urgency for official transparency and accountability
The problem of “food shortages”, “food insecurity”, or whatever euphemism one chooses to use, in Ethiopia cannot be solved by food handouts. After corruption, panhandling is the lifeline of the regime in Ethiopia today. For over two decades, the regime in power in Ethiopia has been harvesting famine and shame. The regime is so accustomed to food handouts, it is now hopelessly addicted to food aid. The poor Ethiopian famine victims have no confidence in the ability or capacity of those in power to care of them. They cast their gazes upon the U.S. and other Western donors. How long must American taxpayers dole out their hard earned dollars to a regime that could not care less for its population? How long will American taxpayers tolerate their tax dollars being wasted, abused and defrauded in the name of humanitarian aid by corrupt regimes?
As I have often said, talking about the rule of law, accountability and transparency to those in power in Ethiopia today is like preaching Scripture to a gathering of deaf-mute heathen or pouring water over a slab of granite.  It is an exercise in total futility. After twenty-three years in power, they still cling to the politics of secrecy they practiced in the bush. They suffer from arrested development unable to transition from bushcraft to statecraft. That said, we must never stop insisting on transparency and accountability.
The role of press freedom in attaining transparency and accountability cannot be overstated. Investigative journalists in the past have saved the lives of millions in Ethiopia. They are the unsung heroes who exposed callous official indifference and saved millions from starvation and famine in the 1970s and 80s. When junta leader Mengistu Hailemariam denied the devastating famines, investigative journalists stepped in and let the world know what was happening leading to a massive global grassroots response. The same held true for the imperial regime in the early 1970s. It is no different now. Hailemariam and his puppet masters must come clean and let the world know the extent of famine and starvation in Ethiopia. Donor countries should insist on strict accountability by making sure that the truth about the looming famine is laid bare to the world, and insist on effective remedial measures. The alternative is that the U.S and other Western donors must accept co-responsibility as silent accomplices of the regime for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians in the looming famine. In the end, Ethiopians will remember not only the depraved indifference and criminal neglect of those claiming to be their leaders but also the inaction and silence of the bleeding heart do-gooders who give them lip service but are morally indifferent to their suffering. Perhaps they should all heed Bob Marley’s message in a song: “A hungry man is an angry man.”

Them belly full, but we hungry;
A hungry mob is a angry mob.

Cost of livin’ gets so high,
Rich and poor they start to cry:
Now the weak must get strong;

Now the weak must get strong.
Who will now save Ethiopians from the rider of the Black Horse holding a scale?