Wednesday, December 16, 2015

ሁሌም የተለመደ ዛቻና ማስፈራሪ የአምባገነኖች መገለጫዎች ናቸው። ውስጡን የሚረብሸው የሆነ ነገር አለ። ሊደነፋ ይልና የውስጡ ፍርሃት አቅም ያሳጣዋል። ጠንቋይ፡ ጋኔል፡ ሰይጣን፡ አጋንንት... ሁሉንም ጠርቶ ሊያስፈራራ ሞክሯል ተቆጣጥረነዋል ያሉት ህዝባዊ ማእበል ከአቅማቸው በላይ እንደሆነ ሲያውቁት ይሄኛው የስድብና የድንፋታ ሚኒስትር ከች ይልና ካድሬ የማረጋጋት መግለጪያ ይሰጣል። እንግዲህ ምን ታደርጉ? ህዝብ ወስኗል። ከዚህ በኋላ እየተገደለ፡ እየተረገጠ ፡ቤቱ የሚገባ፡ የእናንተንም ዲስኩር ከቁምነገር የሚቆጥር ህዝብ ትላንት ቀረ!! ተነቃብሽ ወያኔ ድል የህዝብ ነው::

Ethiopia: Anti-terror rhetoric will escalate brutal crackdown against Oromo protesters

Ethiopia: Anti-terror rhetoric will escalate brutal crackdown against Oromo protesters


(Amnesty International) — Protesters have been labelled ‘terrorists’ by Ethiopian authorities in an attempt to violently suppress protests against potential land seizures, which have already resulted in 40 deaths, said Amnesty International.
Amnesty International
A statement issued by state intelligence services today claims that the Oromia protesters were planning to “destabilize the country” and that some of them have a “direct link with a group that has been collaborating with other proven terrorist parties”.
“The suggestion that these Oromo – protesting against a real threat to their livelihoods – are aligned to terrorists will have a chilling effect on freedom of expression for rights activists,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.
“Instead of condemning the unlawful killings by the security forces, which have seen the deaths of more than 40 people in the last three weeks, this statement in effect authorizes excessive use of force against peaceful protesters.”
The latest round of protests, now in their third week, are against the government’s master plan to integrate parts of Oromia into the capital Addis Ababa.
Similar protests against the master plan in April 2014 resulted in deaths, injuries and mass arrest of the Oromo protesters.
Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation 652/2009, permits the government to use unrestrained force against suspected terrorists, including pre-trial detention of up to four months.
People that have been subject to pre-trial detention under the anti-terrorism law have reported widespread use of torture and ill treatment. All claims of torture and ill treatment should be promptly and independently investigated by the authorities.
“The government should desist from using draconian anti-terrorism measures to quell protests and instead protect its citizen’s right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly,” said Muthoni Wanyeki.

Tuesday, December 15, 2015

Twenty-Four Years of State-Terror and Looting under TPLF in Ethiopia

“The voices of the wailing mothers echoes across this land”Community elder in western Ethiopia
Terrorism
Noun 1. terrorism – the calculated use of violence (or threat of violence) against civilians in order to attain goals that are political or religious or ideological in nature; this is done through intimidation or coercion or instilling fear. Synonyms: act of terrorism, terrorist act
TPLF gangs AAAAA
A wailing mother paces around the mutilated body of her twenty-year old son. Both of her hands are crossed over her head as she weeps with anguish. Distraught and mournful she beats her chest while family members and friends join in the collective sorrow of the community. The young and aspiring college student has been shot in the head by TPLF’s sniper. His face covered with blood, his body lies in the middle of the road. “What time do we live in?” the old man in his late sixties asks wiping tears from his wrinkled face. “When the old bury the young we must realize that there is something fundamentally wrong in our society,” he retorts. In the background the wailing voices of a group mothers gets louder. The mountains and the hills carry their wailing, joining with the mothers in to the next town behind the hills. “Our country has been struck by an evil force,” the other old man whispers. “Our country has been struck by evil force,” he repeats. “They kill our children as we watch silently” the third man joins the spontaneous, emotionally charged conversation.
This is not a war zone, at least not in the conventional sense. These places are small towns and villages with rolling hills and tightly knit communities who make a living from the land. Over the last twenty-four years their way of life has been disrupted as they endure constant humiliation and terror by the TPLF regime. Their lands appropriated and given to the members of TPLF’s ruling elite and their supporters in the name of ‘development’ and ‘infrastructure building.’ State terrorism in its fullest and deadliest form of violence and brutality has continued to reign across the country unabated. From one corner of the country to the other mothers bury their young while those who murder with impunity are rewarded and compensated for their wicked brutality. The wailing mother asks, “how long will this go on?” “How many times we should bury our young?” another mother asks. The sound of wailing mothers has been repeated in this land so often and for far too long.
The recent killings of innocent unarmed civilians by the regime’s security forces is in response to student demonstration opposing the proposed “master plan” that pushes the limits of the capital Addis Ababa in to the territories of communities larger populated by small scale farmers. The fact is the “master plan” is another well-orchestrated blue print for looting and displacing families and communities who lived on their ancestral land for centuries. Thus, they have the legal and the natural rights to refuse and resist to be displaced. As we have witnessed over the last few days that is exactly what they did. Peaceful and non-violent resistance to assert their inalienable rights.
TPLF Inc. from its very inception is a deeply violent group that has no regard to human life. This vicious and abhorrently violent nature of the group has inflicted serious pain and trauma in the collective psyche of the Ethiopian people. To those who bankroll, arm, offer diplomatic and political support to a regime that continues to implement a policy of state terror against the people of Ethiopia, we say the long held imaginary ‘stability’ is no longer sustainable. As history tells us people do not have infinite patience to endure oppression and injustice. When dignity is threatened, when humiliation is inflicted on daily bases, people have no choice but to rise up. The political, economic and overall security situation in Ethiopia is not sustainable. The situation no longer is simply an issue of human rights violations to be responded to by a vague and meaningless condemnation. In this regard, the international community, as it has done in many past and present crises, is watching this unfolding tragic situation with an attitude of ‘business as usual.’ The fact is this is not business as usual, this is a serious crisis emerging and the time for action is not tomorrow, it is now.
A mother’s pain of losing a child, a father’s shame of being unable to protect his boy, a brother’s loss of a friend, a sister’s anguish of losing her playmate – it is a story that Ethiopian’s became so accustomed over the last twenty-four years. Disappearances, mass murder, assassinations, extrajudicial killings, torture, and kidnapping are the main characteristics of the TPLF regime. For those of us who are engaged in the struggle for freedom, democracy and justice let’s once again come together regardless of our political or any other form of affiliation to speed up the day of our freedom. This is not a struggle that should be left to a certain group or political party. This is our collective struggle from the four corners of the country and around the world. The killing machine of the TPLF regime doesn’t discriminate, it kills with impunity and it inflicts unimaginable suffering on all citizens. We can and we should unite to shorten our suffering.

የህወሃት እና የሱዳን ግንኙነት በኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ ጥቅም ላይ ያለመ ነው። ”የአገሪቱ በጀት 100% ለመከላከያ ቢውልም አይበቃንም” አልበሽር ”ሱዳን 70% በጀት ለመከላከያ እና ፀጥታ ታውላለች” በሱዳን የእንግሊዝ አምባሳደር አሮን (ጉዳያችን ዜና)


የህወሃት እና የሱዳን ግንኙነት በኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ ጥቅም ላይ ያለመ ነው። ”የአገሪቱ በጀት 100% ለመከላከያ ቢውልም አይበቃንም” አልበሽር ”ሱዳን 70% በጀት ለመከላከያ እና ፀጥታ ታውላለች” በሱዳን የእንግሊዝ አምባሳደር አሮን (ጉዳያችን ዜና)
ከትናንት በስቲያ እሁድ ታህሳስ 3/2008 ዓም በሱዳን አየር ኃይል ማዘዣ ተገኝተው ንግግር ያደረጉት ፕሬዝዳንት አልበሽር ሱዳን ወደ ወታደራዊ ቴክኖሎጂ መሸጋገር አለባት ብለዋል።ከእዚህ በተጨማሪም እጅግ በፈጣን ሁኔታ የሱዳንን ደህንነት ሊያስከብር የሚችል የአየር ኃይል መገንባት አለብን ብለዋል።የሱዳኑ ፕሬዝዳንት አገራቸው ለመከላከያ የምታወጣው በጀት በዝቷል የሚሉ ተቺዎቻቸውን በቁጣ ተናግረዋል።በመቀጠልም ”በዙርያችን ያሉ ፀጥታቸው የተናጋ አገሮችን ተመልከቱ። የአገሪቱ በጀት 100% ለመከላከያ ቢውልም አይበቃንም።የእራሳችን የጦር መሳርያ ፋብሪካ ያስፈልገናል….እጅግ በፈጠነ ሁኔታ ትልቅ አቅም ያለው የአየር ኃይል መገንባት አለብን” ብለዋል ፕሬዝዳንት አልበሽር።በሌላ በኩል በሱዳን የእንግሊዝ አምባሳደር አሮን ”አሲያስ” ለተሰኘ ጋዜጣ ሲናገሩ ”የሱዳንን ዕዳ መቀነስ ፈፅሞ አይታሰብም።ምክንያቱም እስከ 70% በጀት ለመከላከያ እና ለፀጥታ ጉዳይ እንጂ ለሌሎች የልማት ዘርፎች እንደ ትምህርት፣ጤና ለመሳሰሉት አታወጣም።” ብለዋል።
ፕሬዝዳንት አልበሽር ባለፈው ሳምንት ጋምቤላ ኢህአዴግ/ህወሃት ”የብሔር ብሔረሰቦች በዓል” የብሔር ብሔረሰቦች እስር ቤት ባደረጋት አገር በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የአገሪቱን ገንዘብ በሚያባክንበት ዝግጅት ላይ ተገኝተው ምሽቱን አዲስ አበባ መመለሳቸው እና ከህወሃት ባለስልጣናት ጋር መገናኘታቸውን የሱዳኑ ”ሱዳን ትሪቡን” መዘገቡ ይታወሳል።በአሁኑ ወቅት ህወሃት እና የሱዳን መንግስት የኢትዮጵያን ጥቅም አሳልፎ በሚሰጥ እና ሕዝብን፣አገርንና ታሪክን በሚያዋርድ መልኩ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ በጥምር ሴራ እየሸረቡ መሆኑ የአደባባይ ምስጢር ነው።ህወሃት የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብን አንድነት በሚያናጋ መልኩ ጎሳ ከጎሳ የማጣላት እና ከውስጥ ሆኖ ኢትዮጵያን የማዳከም ሥራ እየሰራ ለመሆኑን ብዙ እማኞችን መጥቀስ ይቻላል።በአገሪቱ ላይ የታወጀው የጎሳ ፌድራሊዝም ለ25 ዓመታት ያክል ኢትዮጵያን ሰላም የነሳ መሆኑ እየታወቀ እና ውጤቱም በኦሮምያ እና በሌሎች ቦታዎች የበለጠ ፀጥታ የነሳ መሆኑ እየታየ ለችግሩ የበለጠ ”ቤንዚን የማርከፍከፍ” ሥራ አሁንም በህወሃት እየተፈፀመ ነው።በሰሜን ጎንደር የ”አማራ እና የቅማንት” ሕዝብ በሚል ሕዝቡን የመከፋፈል ‘መንግስታዊ የዘር ፍጅት’ እንዲፈፀም መደረጉን እና እስካሁን ከአንድ መቶ በላይ ሕዝብ ማለቁን ኢሳት ራድዮ በታህሳስ 4/2008 ዓም ከአካባቢው ያነጋገራቸውን ነዋሪዎች ጠቅሶ ገልጧል።
የእዚህ የ”አማራ እና የቅማንት” ሕዝብ በሚል የመከፋፈል ሥራ ላይ የሱዳን የሞራልም ሆነ የገንዘብ ድጋፍ ከወያኔ ጋር ሊኖርበት እንደሚችል የብዙዎች ጥርጣሬ ነው።ሱዳን ሰፊ የሆነውን የኢትዮጵያ ለም መሬት እና ወንዞች ወደ ግዛቷ ለማካለለ ከህወሃት ጋር መስማማቷ እና ሰሞኑን ተግባራዊ ሊደረግ እንደሚችል ሲገለጥ ነው የሰነበተው። ዛሬ ታህሳስ 5/2008 ዓም በዋሽንግተን ኢትዮጵያውያን በሱዳን ኢምባሲ በር ላይ የድንበር ውሉን በመቃወም ትልቅ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እንደሚደረግ ይታወቃል።

Wednesday, July 8, 2015

Ethiopia: Government drops charges against three journalists, two bloggers

Ethiopia: Government drops charges against three journalists, two bloggers

July 8, 2015
by Mahlet Fasil | Addis Standard
After a year and three months since they were first detained by the police, charges were dropped this afternoon against Journalists Tesfalem Wadyes Asmamaw Hailegiorgis and Edom Kassaye as well as Zelalem Kibret and Mahlet Fantahun, members of the blog Zone9.Gagging the Media in Ethiopia
FBC, a pro government media outlet reported that charges were dropped only against five of the nine detainees by the order of the ministry of justice. Prosecutors will continue pursuing charges against Abel Wabella, Natinael Feleke, Befekadu Hailu, Atinaf Berhane and Soliana Shimelis of Zone9 bloggers, the later charged in absentia.
Tesfalem told Addis Standard that the name of the three of them were called out by a megaphone late this afternoon when they were told charges against them were dropped and “we can leave:. They were detained in Qilinto prison on the outskirt of Addis Abeba, where they were transferred to a few weeks after they have been kept incommunicado at Ma’ekelawi, a notorious prison in the heart of Addis Abeba.
They have since been charged under the country’s infamous Anti-terrorism proclamation, a charge marred by prosecutor’s inability to produce indisputable evidence. The charges have attractedGLOBAL condemnation.
Their release comes a few weeks before the planned visit by President Barak Obama to Ethiopia. An unprecedented crackdown by EthiopianSECURITYforces on April 24th and 25th 2014 saw the arrest of six independent bloggers writing for Zone9 blog post and three independent journalists.
Zone9 bloggers
Only Zelalem, 2nd from left, is out.
Journalist Tesfalem Wadyes, freelance journalist, Asmamaw Hailegiorgis, senior editor at an influential Amharic weekly magazine Addis Guday (which was forced to close since), and Edom Kassaye, who previously worked at state daily Addis Zemen Newspaper and an active member of the Ethiopian Environmental Journalists Association (EEJA) and a close associate of Zone9 bloggers were all rounded up and taken bySECURITY forces on Friday night May 24th 2014 to Ma’akelawi, a notorious prison located in the heart of Addis Abeba.

Obama Should Stay Away from Ethiopia

Obama Should Stay Away from Ethiopia

July 8, 2015
by Jeffrey Smith, Mohammed Ademo | Foreign Policy

Washington wants a stable partner in the Horn of Africa. But cozying up to the repressive regime in Addis Ababa isn’t the way to go about finding one.

Ethiopian opposition activists demonstrate in Addis Ababa
Thousands of Ethiopian opposition activists demonstrate in Addis Ababa on June 2, 2013. The demonstrations were organised by the newly-formed Blue Party opposition group. STRINGER/AFP/GettyIMAGES)
Later this month, President Barack Obama will become the first sitting United States president to ever visit Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country, and a nation viewed by many as a bastion of stability in a region otherwise beset with civil strife. The trip — which will also include a stopover in Kenya — is being billed as part of the Obama administration’s regional efforts “to accelerate economic growth, strengthen democratic institutions, and improveSECURITY.”
These are indeed laudable goals and should beACTIVELY pursued by the U.S. government. But the timing and tenor of the visit to Addis Ababa sends a worrying signal that Washington’s priorities — not only in Ethiopia, but on the entire continent — are actually at odds with the president’s oft-repeated rhetoric about advancing human rights and strengthening African democracy and institutions.
Let’s be clear: Ethiopia is not a model of democracy that should be rewarded with a presidential visit. The long-ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), now in power for 25 years, claimed a landslide victory in legislative polls held in May, winning all 547 parliamentary seats, which places it among the ranks of North Korea and Saddam Hussein’s Baathist Iraq in terms of the sheer efficiency of its electoral sweep. The results should not have come as a surprise: the EPRDF swept the last four elections, including in 2010, in which it took a whopping 99.6 percent of the vote. This time around, Washington and the European Union did not even botherSENDING election observers, knowing full well that an EPRDF victory was a foregone conclusion.
The lead up to the May 24 vote saw a widespread crackdown on journalists, human rights activists, and opposition supporters. What’s worse, Obama’s trip was announced on June 19, the same week it was revealed that three opposition party members were murdered in the country, all under highly suspicious circumstances.
So why is President Obama visiting a country where democracy is in such a sorry state and where human rights violations remain systemic and widespread? Because, despite the obvious lack of political rights and civil liberties in Ethiopia, and itsSTATUS as one of the top jailers of journalists in the world, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn is palatable to Washington and other Western donors precisely because of who he is not: a retrograde dictator in the mold of his regional counterparts, Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea or Omar al-Bashir of Sudan. The brutal and oft heavy-handed oppression exhibited by the latter two regimes is brazen, whereas Desalegn and the EPRDF work within the (regime-controlled) judicial system, giving their repression a veneer of legality.
A former academic, Desalegn’s elevation to the highest office in Ethiopia came courtesy of the sudden death in 2012 of Ethiopia’s strongman, Meles Zenawi, who had ruled the country for two decades. Zenawi was a favorite in Washington: Though he brutally crushed political opponents and implemented a series of draconian laws meant to muzzle the press and stifle dissent, he also managed to establish an image of Ethiopia as a stable and growing economy in the troubled Horn of Africa. Zenawi’s Western allies, particularly the United States, applauded the country’s modest economic growth and the regime’s willingness to endorse the so-called “War on Terror.” As a result, leaders in Washington routinely turned a blind eye to the EPRDF’s rampantHUMAN rights abuses and its ongoing suppression of civil society, the media, and political opposition.
Several key Obama advisers were close associates and personal friends of the late prime minister. Susan Rice, Obama’s nationalSECURITY advisor and former top diplomat at the United Nations, for instance, made no secret of her esteem for and friendship with Zenawi, whom she eulogized as “a servant leader.” Another top Obama aide, Gayle Smith — the current nominee to lead the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which provided Ethiopia nearly $500 million in 2013 — was also never shy about her admiration for Zenawi.
Desalegn, largely seen as a compromise candidate for the shaky, ethnicity-based EPRDF coalition, hasCONTINUED to rule in the same mode — and Washington’s perverse need to embrace a dictator in technocrat’s clothing has continued. This March, two months before Ethiopia’s sham elections, U.S. Undersecretary for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman publicly praised Ethiopia’s “democracy” during a visit to the country, which a state department spokesperson further bolstered by saying “her statements fully reflect the U.S. Government’s positions.” Even a cursory glance at Ethiopia’s abysmal human rights record would turn this bogus claim on its head.
On June 25, the State Department released its annual human rights report on Ethiopia, citing widespread “restrictions on freedom of expression,” “politically motivated trials,” “harassment and intimidation of opposition members and journalists,” “alleged arbitrary killings and torture,” “limits on citizens’ ability to change their government,” and restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and movement. Yet Ethiopia’s donors, including the United States, which provides nearly half of Ethiopia’s national budget, have continued to ignore these signs of trouble. The facade of economic growth and the West’s eagerness for a “developmentSUCCESS STORY” to tout on the international stage has seemingly precluded genuine diplomatic pressure to reform.
To be sure, deeply afflicted countries surround Ethiopia. Despite recent progress, SomaliaFACES credible and ongoing threats from the al-Qaeda affiliated militant group, al-Shabab. South Sudan has devolved into an intractable civil war with no end in sight. Kenya has yet to fully overcome the ramifications of post-election violence in 2007–2008, not to mention its inability to ward off al-Shabab’s cross border attacks. Eritrea, dubbed by some as the North Korea of Africa, remains a highly repressive police state from which hundreds of thousandsCONTINUE to flee. Further afield, Yemen is in a state of bloody lawlessness. By contrast, Ethiopia has remained largely stable.
Despite this outward veneer of stability and progress, Ethiopia’s current system is unsustainable. A one-time vocal opposition has been systematically weakened. Ethnic discontent is rife. Religious revival has been met with brutal state repression. Economic prosperity is not widely shared and inequalityCONTINUES to rise. Nepotism and corruption plague an already bloated bureaucracy. Youth unemployment is a persistent and serious challenge. Independent media, the human rights community, and civil society writ large have been decimated. And countless citizens are being displaced from their ancestral lands under the guise of development. These factors, taken together, may ultimately sow the seeds of a tangled conflict that could reverberate across an already troubled and tense region.
In this context, Obama’s upcoming visit to EthiopiaSENDS the wrong message on Washington’s stated commitment to strengthening democratic institutions — not strongmen — in Africa. What is more, turning a blind eye to widespread human rights abuses for the sake of counterterrorism cooperation and so-called “regional stability” may prove to be a self-defeating strategy that is bad in the long term for the United States, as well as for citizens throughout the Horn of Africa.
If the United States wanted to help strengthen democratic institutions and stand in solidarity with Africans, who are now more than ever demanding democracy, then Nigeria would have been a much betterALTERNATIVE model. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and its largest economy, held landmark elections this March, in which an opposition candidate ousted an incumbent who then graciously accepted defeat. In Ethiopia, this scenario remains a pipe dream for its 96 million citizens. The EPRDF is now set to lord over the country at least until 2020, allowing the party to further entrench its repressive machinery and to extend its dominance long beyond its current mandate.
It is unlikely that Obama and his handlers will change the itinerary of his upcoming trip. However, it is not too late for the president, and for the United States government, to speak honestly to the people of Ethiopia, making it clear that the historic visit is not intended to validate or otherwise endorse the EPRDF’s autocratic dominance. Rather, Obama should be clear with EPRDF leadership, both in private and most importantly, in public that the United States appreciates the complex challenges facing the country and that repression is not an acceptable means ofADDRESSING them.
Obama and his staff should also meetOPENLY with Ethiopia’s political opposition and civic leaders, including those based in the country and abroad in Kenya, where many have been forced to relocate due to increasing oppression at home. Obama should additionally raise the issue of the recently murdered opposition members, as well as the many cases of journalists, activists, and political prisoners who have been wrongly jailed and arbitrarily detained under a raft of draconian laws that have criminalized dissent.
In the long-term, the U.S. government should redouble its commitment to Ethiopia’s beleaguered civil society. Obama’s 2016 budget request includes more than $400 million in assistance to the country, of which less than 1 percent is allocated for democracy and human rightsPROGRAMMING — an actual improvement from last year, when zero was devoted to this vital sector, much of the spending going towards health and humanitarian aid. A robust, reenergized, and empowered Ethiopian civil society, in which human rights groups are free to operate, is central to deepening democratic principles, not only in Ethiopia, but also throughout the East and Horn of Africa.
Overall, Obama must firmly reiterate that stability andSECURITY, and respect for basic human rights and the legitimacy of civil society, are not mutually exclusive objectives in Ethiopia, or elsewhere. Rather, he should be unequivocal — in both rhetoric and in practice — that, together, these issues help form an unshakable and long-term pillar for U.S. engagement on the African continent.

Monday, April 20, 2015

Ethiopian bloggers on trial in case seen as crackdown on free expression

Ethiopian bloggers on trial in case seen as crackdown on free expression

April 20 at 3:30 AM
They met online in 2010 while raising money for a charity case: nine young, university-educated Ethio­pian professionals. Eventually, they decided to launch a blog about social and civic issues in Africa’s second-most-populous nation.
“Initially, it was not about political activism or about criticizing the government. It was to connect with like-minded people,” said Soliyana Shimeles, 28, one of the founders of the blog Zone 9.
Today, six of the bloggers are in jail facing terrorism charges in what human rights and press-freedom advocates call an example of an alarming crackdown on government critics.
The Zone 9 bloggers are accused of “creating serious risk to the safety or health of the public” under the country’s controversial anti-terrorism law passed in 2009. The charges further allege the bloggers were linked to Ginbot 7, an opposition movement based abroad that the government labeled a terrorist group in 2011. The bloggers have pleaded innocent.
Their attorney, Ameha Mekonnen, has complained that the charges offer few particulars. The trial began at the end of March but was adjourned until after the national elections in May. If convicted, the defendants could receive death sentences.
Members of Ethiopia’s online community say the case has had a chilling effect on freedom of expression. The U.S. State Department criticized the Ethio­pian high court’s decision in January to proceed with the trial, saying that it “undermines a free and open media environment.”
Ethi­o­pia has been an important American ally in the fight against al-Shabab, the militant Islamist group based in Somalia. But while Ethi­o­pia is a multi-party democracy on paper, its ruling party controls all but one seat in parliament.
The “Zone9ers” hail from a relatively privileged urban educated class in one of the world’s poorest countries. Only 2 percent of Ethiopian households have access to the Internet in this Horn of Africa nation, whose outdated, state-run, telecommunication infrastructure ranks among the continent’s least developed.
The nine bloggers — three journalists, a human rights lawyer and professionals working in business, government and academia —met online while raising money for the family of an Ethiopian maid who died while working in Lebanon. They called their blog Zone 9, a term said to be used by political prisoners in the capital’s Kaliti jail to refer to an outside world they viewed as equally shackled by the lack of civil liberties.
The bloggers, part of a generation that came of age after a Marxist dictatorship was toppled in 1991, said they wanted to raise awareness about political and social issues in a society disengaged from civic matters. Their blog posts called on young Ethiopians to demand rights set forth in the constitution and to put into practice the democracy the government had promised.
“I used to think our discussions could transform our audiences into the kind of society we want. I was very naïve,” said a close friend of the bloggers, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation.
Over the past decade, the Ethiopian government, which controls the country’s main media outlets, has displayed varying degrees of appetite for free political discourse. National elections in 2005 were preceded by a relatively open climate, allowing the opposition to win a third of the seats in the 547-member parliament. But after the vote, there were mass arrests of opposition politicians and student protesters. In the years that followed, several newspapers and magazines were shut down.
“The ruling party has become wary of media they cannot directly control,” said Daniel Berhane, an Ethiopian blogger and editor of the current-affairs Web site “Horn Affairs,” referring to the Zone 9 case.
Yet many Ethiopians believe that the group’s blog posts, which had an average of 18,000 readers in a country of 94 million, were not what landed them behind bars.
The “Zone9ers” attended events organized by international human rights organizations. The Ethio­pian government has frequently been critical of such groups, accusing them of being politicized.
The bloggers also attended training sessions held abroad and in Ethi­o­pia on Internet security, which may have upset a government that has been accused of surveillance of its critics’ online activity.
The bloggers regularly visited jailed dissidents, including prominent journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition member Andualem Aragie, to express their support.
Shimeles’s mother, Yikanu Yelma, said the young blogger drew inspiration from her father, who had been jailed in 1977 for opposing the communist regime in power. “She used to say: my Dad contributed something during his time. I need to contribute something during my time,” Yelma recalled in an interview in Addis Ababa.
The Zone 9 bloggers chose to use their real names online “to be accountable for what we say,” Shimeles, who has been charged in absentia, explained in a Skype interview from Washington, where she has applied for political asylum.
On April 25 last year, six of the nine bloggers were arrested. Shimeles and another member of the group happened to be abroad, while a third participant managed to flee the country. Three independent journalists are facing charges alongside the Zone 9 bloggers.
The trial has been adjourned repeatedly. The bloggers’ attorney said none of the evidence presented thus far implicate his clients in crimes.
The Ethiopian government has rejected criticism of its handling of the case by Western governments and human rights groups. It asserts the bloggers are on trial for attempting to sabotage the state. “None of them were arrested for what they wrote,” said Ganenu Asefa, an adviser at the Government Office for Communication Affairs.
Ethiopia’s government has achieved double-digit growth in the past five years, driven largely by state intervention in the economy and massive public investments. But the independence of its judicial system was rated 2.9 out of a best possible score of 7 in a recent report by the World Economic Forum. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front dismisses criticism about the political system.
“We want our democratic values to grow from within. We don’t want anyone to export them to us,” said Dina Mufti, spokesperson at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Family and friends of the bloggers say that their arrests, ironically, may have drawn attention to a group that previously had little influence.
“My sister often says that they have done more for their cause while in prison,” says Fisseha Fantahun, the brother of one jailed blogger, 30-year-old Mahilet Fantahun, who had worked as a data analyst at the Ministry of Health.
But other Ethiopians say the trial has been effective in sending a chilling message.
Many members of the online community have started using aliases or have abandoned blogging altogether. A close friend who regularly visits the jailed bloggers said they have voiced disappointment at the void left by their arrests.
“Their ideas were not taken forward by anyone. It’s very sad,” he said. He himself has retreated from the online community.